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Resciniti analyzes the relationship between Minerva and museums, from the first gifts to the ventennio fascista. Hampshire: Ashgate, In The Politics of the Piazza, Eamonn Canniffe explores the influence that politics played in creating architectural spaces in Italy. Starting from the Etruscans to present day society, the historical perspective incorporates many of the political and architectural developments of the time. The Politics of the Piazza goes beyond the external relationship of politics and architecture to explore present day themes such as biopolitics — how political regimes sought to control populations through urban design.

It is within these subliminal messages that one arrives at a deeper understanding of politics and cultural norms. Canniffe explores these topics placing fourteen chapters into the following four parts: the roots of Italian urban form, the early modern city, the city and national consciousness, and urban expression in an age of uncertainty.

In the first part, Canniffe gives readers a point of reference in early architectural design in delineating the lasting influence that Greek, Etruscan, and Roman civilizations had on public spaces. He explains the importance of examining urbanism in ancient civilizations through their conception of the world that consisted of religious views of the natural and physical world. Roman representation of public space stemmed largely from the previous two civilizations as the Romans used the same method of the celestial order to determine construction of new cities.

Canniffe points to the Forum Romanum and Forum of Trajan to demonstrate this lasting influence of antiquity The rise of Christianity, after the collapse of the western Roman empire, gave way to new motifs in architectural design and public space. The formation of the longitudinal Christian basilica, the baptistery, and the surrounding public spaces for overflow took place around A. Canniffe highlights the political and religious instability of the time, which had a direct relationship on the construction of new places of worship.

The interior of these architectural spaces represented the sacred, and through time the politicization and hierarchy of the church took place with the use of walls, porticoes, and other divisions that aided in defining the Christian hierarchy By the Middle Ages, the political landscape of the Italian peninsula consisted of city-states in the North, the Papacy in the center, and monarchial rule in the South.

The political schism created by the Ghibellines and Guelphs provided a constant competition for political and territorial control. This competition between territories led to unique architectural structures that would set apart competing city-states. Canniffe argues that the geographic position and political stability contributed to certain kinds of public spaces. An example can be seen at the Palazzo della Ragione in Padua, which had the communal space next to the market.

Cities that tended to have political strife designed civic edifices around enclosed areas located in geographically strategic areas; those that did not have a geographic advantage over their enemies designed municipal buildings with huge piazzas and watch towers as a way to protect the city and to separate social activities from political duties In part two, Canniffe focuses on three aspects — humanism, representation of the ideal, and linear perspective — and how they anchored Renaissance urbanism until the end of the Baroque period One of the most notable political changes during this period relates to the influence of the dynastic court.

Powerful people, such as the Medici and Pope Nicholas V, advanced the humanistic agenda and dictated the path of urbanism where it had been previously accomplished by free republics. Piazza della Santissima Annunziata in Florence and Piazza della Loggia in Brescia are two examples the author focuses on because of their use of geometric shapes as a way to revive classical themes of cosmology and the ideal.

In the third section, the debate turns to the onset of the scientific revolution that scrutinized previous architectural ideas and advocated rational forms of construction. Also, the field of archeology gained popularity and established a relationship between the ancient and modern world Europe experienced dramatic changes during the nineteenth century because of industrialization and the mass movement of people that put into question a national architecture.

After the Risorgimento, it became important to create not only a unified culture but also a unified architectural language that would seek to rival other Europe nations. By the nineteenth century, public spaces were designed with a sense of grandeur that was the marvel of other nations, and Piazza del Duomo and the Galleria in Milan were the quintessential examples.

The erection of these two public spaces brought together the use of glass, cast-iron technology, and a dome that was elongated into an under-crossing that symbolized in many ways a national destiny The close relationship between architecture and national identity continued until the fall of Fascism.

Political regimes, whether it was the monarchy of the Savoy or the authoritarianism of Mussolini, sought to create from above a kind of national identity. After the fall of Fascism, the piazza underwent a slow process of transformation. In many ways, it represented a mirror into the past, clinging to various vestiges that defined urbanism for the past several hundred years. Canniffe concludes his discussion of the future of the Italian piazza on a skeptical note: will it always be tied to its past or will it continue to be an important political public space?

Gli strumenti letterari e le altre discipline, Milano: Bruno Mondadori, Il libro Convergenze. Nel primo capitolo lo studioso si sofferma sul rapporto della letteratura con i filosofi Un discorso a parte, invece, merita la geografia che ha rivestito il ruolo di una vera e propria fonte di ancora di salvataggio cognitivo in un momento di dissolvimento di alcuni importanti punti di riferimento per la letteratura. Luigi Bonaffini. Journal of Italian Translation 5. The copious assortment of contributions included in the two latest issues of the Journal of Italian Translation provide a fresh and stimulating overview of some of the most seductive projects happening in the arena of English and Italian literary translation.

Both issues feature a vast and varied collection of literary works with their facing-page translation, each preceded by a succinct biography of the authors and the translators involved. Contributions comprise poetry, fiction, and drama — not only contemporary pieces but also classics — and there appear translations from and into various Italian dialects, including Sardinian, Sicilian, and Neapolitan.

In addition, each issue opens with an essay on a specific translation-related theme, and closes with a number of critical reviews of recently published translations. Essays and reviews literally frame the series of translations included in the journal, complementing creative work with a robust scientific component. Note worthily, each Journal issue contains a series of images reproducing the works by one visual artist. Pictures are preceded by a synthetic yet illuminating bio, which introduces the artworks to readers. In this way, each volume resembles a monograph, despite the variety of the materials contained.

Such diversity of contents composes a literary symphony. The plain graphics of the journal, which displays source text and translation face to face, allows readers to enjoy each piece attentively, paying attention to linguistic and stylistic details with effortless pleasure. The Fall issue begins with a captivating essay by Alessandra Calvani. Booth aptly plays with punctuation and sounds so as to render the troubled suavity of the source. Masterpieces of control are also N. Doebler, in particular, distinguishes himself for his cleverness in reproducing the graphics of the original, juggling words and verses with admirable care.

Another classic in translation is Giacomo Leopardi, whose Canti are elegantly and rigorously rendered by Joseph Tusiani. Tusiani uses every tool he possesses to come up with an English text that can stand next to the original, with mesmerizing results. In the Journal of Italian Translation, translations, essays and critical texts compose an organically balanced texture — an ecosystem of languages and literatures in progress that encourages understanding and enjoyment. Paolo Carta and Romain Descendre.

Setting aside traditional practices of idealization that often filter the image of that nation, the annual journal considers Italy in its role as a center of political experimentation. Six thematic essays — each in its own way, as we learn from abstracts provided at the end of the issue — give a nod to the ideal of Renaissance Italy, then move on to elaborate the specifically geographical consciousness that marked early modern thought of both Italians and Europeans thinking about Italy. The introductory essay, jointly authored by Carta and Romain Descendre, lays out the trajectory that would link geography and politics in the early modern period.

As the essays chosen for this special issue argue, only state interests successfully joined those disparate parts to shape a new concept of the world. This conceptual revision of otherness and its entailment of relativism mark the early modern period. The essays selected for the special edition have captured that distinctive characteristic. How could state interests best instrumentalize those discoveries? Pozzi offers Portugal as an example of statesmen making rapid calculations based on travel writing. That relatively small nation quickly saw that colonization would drain its human resources, and opted instead to shore up and maintain its monopoly on trade relations.

In addition to its insights into the causal nature of geopolitics in the early modern period, this essay provides a valuable study of travel writing as the bridge between governing elites, educated in traditional ideals of Renaissance humanism, and highly skilled cadres of marine entrepreneurs, knowledgeable in the practice of exploring the unknown. The subjects of the portraits — Machiavelli, Besse, and Campanella — are perhaps better known for conflicted relationships with institutions that resisted their critiques, but these essays go beyond conflicts to foreground the tenacity and intellectual commitment, of critics at a time when thinking beyond the frontiers of established ideas cost more dearly than we in contemporary times often recognize.

Geografia e politica nelle nunziature apostoliche. His descriptions of cities and states, his exchanges with the papal office, and his personal observations provide a map of the far more dynamic, far less predictable journey of the Church through early modern political struggles. Three documentary studies enrich the essays. Initiated in the fifteenth century, the collection was enriched in the second half of the eighteenth century by the personal papers of the brothers Pietro and Alessandro Verri.

The archives were subsumed into collections of subsequent heirs, repeatedly reorganized before an inventory process begun in by the Fondazione Mattioli, and now made available for scholarly study. The archive offers a rich resource for historians of Milan, Lombardy, and family heritage practices in Italy. Laboratoire italien fills a gaping hole in Italian studies, offering a cross- disciplinary view of Italy that plumbs the depth of its culture and spans the breadth of its influence over time. But the publication also creates a whole new manner of observing Italy.

This is the Italy many of us have been waiting for. Susan L. Rosenstreich, Dowling College Francesco Lanza. Gaetano Cipolla. New York: Legas, Francesco Lanza was born in Valguarnera, in the province of Enna in He attended secondary school in Catania, studied law in Rome, was interested in literature, and served as an artillery officer during WWI.

Lanza wanted to improve the lot of Sicilian peasants, collaborated with Giuseppe Lombardo Radice to improve rural Sicilian education, and formed an arm of the Socialist party in Valguarnera. Lanza also wrote theatrical pieces. He began to publish the Storie di Nino Scardino in He founded a journal and collaborated as a journalist, but his writing career was cut short; he died when he was barely Cipolla notes that interest in Lanza is growing and his contribution to Italian letters is being reevaluated.

The author has a website at www. As Gaetano Cipolla, the editor of this book of Sicilian jokes, points out, Lanza had originally called his collection of short peasant tales Storie di Nino Scardino. In the introduction Cipolla notes the strong oral tradition that exists in Sicily, and observes that Sicilians have delighted in hearing and repeating tales of foolish people.

Younger generations aside, Cipolla claims that many Sicilians can rattle off jokes about unfaithful wives, cuckolded husbands, and other shenanigans. The fools and dummies always live in the next town over, and vices and shortcoming are often associated with the town.

2/2 Galileo 2009 Atti del Convegno

Some of the titles of these little tales take their names from the inhabitants of the town. The clueless people from Piazza Armerina and Barrafranca are on the bottom of the rung of the ladder of fools. Cipolla points out that despite the many shortcomings of the Sicilian people pointed out in these tales, avarice is not one of their vices, since the conflict is between the poor and the even poorer. Many of the tales have to do with extramarital antics between cumpari and cummari, the Sicilian words for the Italian compare and comare. The wife proves this is not the case as she fornicates with her cumpari in front of her husband.

Similar tales of husbands turning the other cheek or being relieved that someone else is happy to perform their marital duty happen to men from Mistretta and Nicosia. They are superstitious, and their religion, rather than being rooted in spirituality, is based on rituals that have no meaning for them.

Most of the tales are about a page or half a page long, or consist of a few lines. Toronto: U of Toronto P, Since the beginning of the nineteenth century, these two texts have been subjected to critically divergent approaches and discussed within a philological, folkloric or a culturally elitist framework. Fairy-Tale Science is divided into seven chapters. In the first Magnanini argues that books on monstrosities circulating in early modern Italy were non- specialized multidisciplinary texts that recognized Pliny and Aristotle as major sources for scientific study.

Accordingly, men of letters like Straparola and Basile drew on scientific texts during their participation in contemporary debates on monstrosity. This debate encouraged a taste for collecting rarities — including fake monsters — which were assembled in museums of wonders Wunderkabinette. Surgeons cut the area, from which a penis emerges.

On returning to Naples, Basile became a member or frequenter of several academies including the Oziosi, Incauti and Erranti, thereby participating in debates on science and the marvelous as well as establishing contacts with local scientists. For all that, Fairy-Tale Science nonetheless successfully achieves its main goal, namely, enhancing the debate on the role played by science, monstrosity and the marvelous in early modern Italian fairy tales.

Globalization of the Italian Culture in the United States. Calandra Institute Transactions. New York: John D. Calandra Italian American Institute, The volume is introduced by Anthony Tamburri, director of the Calandra Institute, who frames it as a timely contribution to the effort, led by many members of the Italian and Italian America community, to better understand the role of the Italian language and culture in the United States today. Tamburri emphasizes the importance of such an enterprise within a more general movement to give greater visibility to our culture and to recognize the role of Italian as both a language of culture and an instrument of communication.

These efforts have led to the institution of the Advanced Placement Italian exam recently reinstated after having been terminated and to the recognition by the Italian government and local organizations of the need for a greater involvement with the teaching of our language and, more generally, the spread of our culture in the United States. Tamburri underscores how the notable increase in enrollments at all levels of language teaching indicates the urgency of this task.

In the introduction the authors specify the geographical area on which their analysis focuses: New York and the Tri-State area, which includes the greater New York metropolitan area, northern New Jersey, Long Island, Connecticut, and parts of eastern Pennsylvania. In the following section of the book they describe the sources of their study, which consist of data collected in different kinds of surveys: census data, the General Social Survey, and the American Community Survey. Census data refer to the year and American Community data collect results for The third source of data, the General Social Survey, annually collects socio-demographic and attitudinal data among a sample of respondents representing a cross-section of the population of the United States.

This survey did not include questions on language before and that is why the data analyzed by Milione and Gambino only cover the years from to The authors also explain how fallacies in the way these data were collected make it difficult to estimate the real number of Italian speakers in the country. Both the decennial Census Survey and the American Community Survey only record people who have Italian as their first language, thus excluding respondents who may speak Italian but do not use it as their primary language.

In addition, these surveys do not consider cases of respondents who speak more than two languages. Milione and Gambino analyze both trends in the population of Italian Americans in the New York and Tri-State area, and trends in the use of Italian at home. This may be due to population movements from the north towards southern states, but also to the increased awareness and pride among Italian Americans who may be more willing to declare their ancestry. Data on language maintenance at home between and confirm the general trend to a declining use of Italian as the primary language, but again do not tell the whole story about Italian being spoken as a second or third language.

Further statistics show that even though the population of Italian American ancestry has increased in the last six years, usage of Italian among the youth tends to decrease compared to the older generation. The latter trend is also present in the Tri-State area, thus confirming the need for an expansion of Italian language programs throughout the country.

For New York, the data analysis shows that the population of Italian ancestry still constitutes a tightly knit community, but also that it is diminishing in size, given the exodus of young people towards the suburbs. Maintenance of Italian at home has declined in this area as well.

Such analysis reveals that more recent immigrants to the United States tend to maintain their L1 much more than members of previous generations of immigrants, and also that interest in Italian has spread among American communities. Another interesting point is that just one third of Italian speakers in the United States has Italian as its primary language in the home, thus the number of of Italian speakers estimated by Milione and Gambino is at least 2.

Finally, Milione and Gambino argue in this section that at least one third of the Italian speakers in the U. In the conclusions Milione and Gambino stress two complementary trends demonstrated in their data analysis: the general decline in speakers who learn Italian at home and the corresponding increase of speakers who learn Italian through the school system.

Data on enrollment in Italian language classes at the high school and college levels confirm a substantial increase in interest for studying Italian among both Italian American and American students. These conclusions highlight the need for further research on the use of our language in the United States, but also the fallacies of research systems based on a view of multilingualism as an impediment rather than as a source of richness.

At the same time it provides a timely counter argument against recent closings of Italian language programs at the university level. In terms of academic significance, the book also points to possible avenues for research as it emphasizes the need for further qualitative and quantitative studies centered on the use of and demand for our language in the United States. Thus, this volume will be of interest to a wide audience: from Italian language practitioners, to members of Italian American organizations, to students and academics involved with the teaching, learning and acquisition of Italian, and with research on Italian American communities.

Chicago: U of Chicago P, This well written, thoroughly researched and documented volume addresses the fascinating topic of convent life in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Italy. The author includes a list of figures, acknowledgments, a list of abbreviations, a dramatis personae and an index. Further research took him to Bologna and finally to the Vatican to consult the archives of the Sacred Congregation of Bishops and Regulars, the entity responsible for monastic discipline.

Finally, Monson states that he adapted, simplified and modified the language of the transcripts to suit modern readers. The author reveals how the parlatorio, the meeting place of cloister life and the world, becomes the center of secularized culture, including romance. Amid the exposition of an intricate tale of hearsay confessions, convent factionalism, denunciations and counterattacks, Monson suggests that a lack of religious vocation among some of its members ultimately led to those drastic acts.

The investigation uncovers accusations of inappropriate intimacy, of harassment and threats of poisoning and of former prostitution — incidents, which, according to Monson, may have led to the demise and fall of the Carmelite convent. Nuns Behaving Badly is an interesting read. Parrillo, ed.

As explained in the foreword by the editor Vincent N. This volume offers a loose collection of examples illustrating a wide range of recent social changes, some of which are particularly representative for a review of this recent publication. This first chapter identifies the shift from nation-states to globalizing social spaces as a central concern. The semiotic analysis is made lively through the inclusion of several emblematic pictures. The chapter engages with narratives of beauty and adventurous transgression. The case study of a local protest against the construction of a gas terminal in Brindisi nuances the picture of Southern Italian civil society.

Particular attention is paid to familism and racial formation , also in relation to the experience of assimilation. In Italy, the psychological effects of mobbing have been pathologized, as discussed in connection with the question of cultural embodiment In carefully drawn comparisons with the experiences of African Americans, this analysis points to the significance of racial privilege in the case of Italian Americans.

Other topics covered in the collection are: risk communication, global social capital, social networks, urban inequalities, memory in the age of risk, Italian American heritage, local development, cultural heritage in Italy and America, global awareness, sustainable commons, voting behaviors of Italians abroad, Italian American radicalism, postmodern concepts of work, social inclusion in Europe, industrial districts, flexible capitalism, and the place of Italy in the European learning society. No reader can fail to notice the loose structure and blurry scope of the collection Uncertainty and Insecurity.

However, the main problem of this project is its little reflexivity. Semiotic portrayals of messages from the media, careful socio-historical comparisons, and a philosophical and interdisciplinary engagement with the social construction of the phenomena experienced in a given culture belong to the most promising features of the type of research made available in this volume. Italian and Italian American uncertainties are collected at an important juncture of insights from a wide spectrum of multifarious social experiences.

Tuscan Spaces: Literary Constructions of Place. With this publication Silvia Ross furthers the field of Place Studies. Through its focus on primarily Italian texts and, as the title suggests, particularly Tuscan spaces, the work enlivens a current debate too centered on American and Anglophone texts and environments. The study is divided into six chapters, some organized around a particular author while others are comparative. She also examines the work of E.

The wide ranging and largely discrete chapters are drawn together by a common exploration not only of space, but also of the issues of belonging and otherness. While she does discuss the various land and cityscapes that make Tuscany what it is, her focus is ultimately on human experience and psychology.

The physical home serves simultaneously as a stage for their performance of femininity, an image, in its disorder, of their inner deviation from social normalcy and, finally, a prison, physically confining them just as society ideologically does. Ross analyzes such spaces as realms not just of difference but also of marginalization, both housing and ghettoizing sexual and ethnic difference.

Chapters move away from an early monographic nature as Ross turns to a comparative approach in chapter four. Italian Bookshelf M. Although the pairing of these texts is at first incongruous, they are convincingly united by a shared focus on the effects of the sublime, a sense of difference and individual expression of self. The house in such texts becomes a link to community, allowing the foreign author a certain measure of belonging, as well as a vehicle through which to shape and display her own vision of Tuscan life.

Like Mayes and Leavitt-Mitchell, Belotti narrates a first-person experience of moving to Tuscany she is Roman , setting up house, and feeling alternately that she is an outsider and that her neighbors are very much odd Others. Where her text differs from those of chapter five is in its privileging native fauna over the structures created in its midst. Covering a wide span of texts and themes Tuscan Spaces presents a nuanced vision of a region too hastily summed up in popular discourse.

It depicts Tuscany as host to different explorations of being grounded by a shared space, a location where nature has long met culture and assumptions about place are rarely met, but confrontations with the Other and individual reformulations of self are easily found. It demonstrates the utility of considerations of place when studying literature and related disciplines and is a welcome addition to both Italian and Place Studies.

In this monograph, Professor Laura Salsini examines a number of epistolary novels by Italian women writers published between and By using this traditional genre, Salsini claims, these writers deflected critical attention from their stylistic and ideological innovations, including a radical redefinition of the literary and social expectation of female experiences. Chapter one opens with the earliest epistolary novel written by a woman in Italy: Lettere di Giulia Willet, by Orintia Romagnuoli Sacrati Through their sentimental epistolary narratives, seemingly conventional, these authors implicitly criticize accepted social codes, such as the erasure of female identity in marriage and motherhood, and articulate acute critiques of the very conventions on which epistolary fiction is founded.

Like Benedetta, Manzini invokes the power of literature to transform lives through an innovative articulation of a traditional genre such as the epistolary novel. Both authors use the epistolary genre in a new way by expanding its traditionally personal, intimate world into an exploration of the complicated, troubled Italian society of their time. Especially in Ginzburg, the exchange of letters emphasizes, instead of a sense of connection, the awareness of loss and defeat brought on by personal detachment and social estrangement In the ss, the period examined in the fourth and last chapter, the epistolary genre continued this process of opening up to social issues; literary exchanges of letters provided the link between feminist poetics and the feminist politics of these years.

I enjoyed reading this book. Its detailed plot summaries of the works examined, which may prove repetitive for those who know the stories already, make it, nevertheless, approachable as well to an audience unfamiliar with these sometimes obscure texts. Addressing the Letter, unfortunately, does not provide a consistent theoretical or comparative perspective and only sporadically places its texts within the abundant international field of epistolary fiction and theory. Its compelling, clearly presented, and persuasively argued claim that Italian women writers transformed the conventions of epistolary fiction left me to wonder, for example, whether women writers in other countries have carried out analogous transformations.

The poet identifies with both landscapes, and sees them as ultimately indistinguishable in the elusiveness and fragility of the life they harbour, and in their metaphysical dimension. Excellent detailed footnotes offer stimulating suggestions for further reading. Yet their ambivalence towards emancipation remains noticeable, both in storylines and characterizations. Hypertrophied sexuality, one of the symptoms of the malaise of these characters, remains paradoxically their only hope of establishing contact with the Other.

Loriano Macchiavelli, a Bolognese writing for a predominantly low-brow reading public, uses the detective genre to communicate his preoccupations about the problems of contemporary society. His language is standard Italian without prominent features of Bolognese dialect; identity is seen through the lens of social, not geographical differences. The two central characters in the novel of the Sardinian Giulio Angioni Lo sprofondo , set in the border city of Trieste, wrestle with their loyalty to different identities: regional, professional, and familial.

These are now not only Sardinian, but coming from a variety of Italian dialects, and the languages of the minorities living in Italy and near the Italian border. The result is a functioning literary language that has the agility and communicative potential of the spoken language, an italiano regionale nazionale. Dennis Looney. Ariosto is a central figure in the academic and courtly life of early sixteenth-century Italy; his association with his patrons, the Este ducal family of Ferrara, is apparent in several of his letters.

Reference to this battle appears in the final canto of the third edition of the Furioso and is tied to the mythical origins of the ruling family of Ferrara through Ruggiero, a character first invented by Boiardo and maintained by Ariosto. The English translation closely corresponds to the original letters, and with the exception of the first letter of , all were written in the vernacular. Certain passages are missing in the epistles due to poor conservation or damage of some of the manuscripts. The missives are neatly divided into three sections.

The second section of letters, , is the most numerous, spanning over three years. Several epistles were written while Ariosto was ducal commissioner in the Garfagnana, a region in what is today considered Northern Tuscany along the Tuscan-Emilian Appennines. Ariosto thinks of clever and plausible solutions to difficult situations that arise in several of his letters. Major topics discussed in the epistles include the problems of crime, corruption and banditry, fear of the plague and its possible devastation, inappropriate behavior by church authorities, as well as issues revolving around the transport of salt and the ownership and consumption of chestnuts.

There are also a few letters that refer to his theatrical writings; one in particular, letter , presents Ariosto apologizing to Federico Gonzaga for having written his comedies in verse and not in prose. Apparently, the Duke of Mantua hastily returned the literary works to the poet because their metrical style displeased him.

The final entry in this collection, Herbal Doctor, is a delightful short work of satiric prose designed to parody humanism and neoplatonic philosophical thought. The monologue is delivered by an itinerant charlatan named Antonio Faventino, who claims to be a well traveled medical doctor interested in selling a miraculous elixir. There is an interesting connection in this work between the relevance of classical sources dealing with science and medical knowledge and the debate among humanists of their accuracy in the cinquecento. Readers can attest to his perceptive and pragmatic nature and his obsession with literary redaction.

He prudently communicates problems that arise during his tenure as provincial commissioner for the Este family. At the beginning of each letter, the translator conveniently places a short summary of its content for his reader. Funzioni semantiche e metatestuali della musica in Dante, Petrarca e Boccaccio. Firenze: Olschki, Dire il suono con mezzi espressivi diversi, assumendo di questo tutti i possibili rischi.

Fissare lo strumento musicale senza voce, attribuendogli un suono puramente mentale, intellettuale, scritto. Il Dionisiaco? Italian Bookshelf Ed in quel momento scrittori e poeti hanno cominciato a ritrarne in parole gli strumenti, a scriverne i modi, le forme, la fisica, i processi, il tocco. Come mostra bene questo lavoro, diversi sono i motivi di tale magnetica attrazione della scrittura nei confronti della musica, in particolare lungo il medioevo europeo.

Fondazione L. Bianciardi Anthony Cristiano. Franco Pierno. Toronto: Polypus Publishing, This work is one of a kind. On the language side, it is an interlinear translation of the Inferno that alternates on every line with the original so that the translation follows the original at every turn. This process becomes a very convenient way for new readers of the Inferno — but not only for them — to follow the original more closely, and, at the very least, to know what Dante wrote and meant to say. An interesting feature of this epilogue is that the terza rima gradually breaks down, as does its language, only to end in an incomprehensible gibberish.

A good general bibliography and a more specific one on Dante scholarship and materials follow the introduction.


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Franco Pierno, a linguist and a Romance philologist at the University of Toronto, also speaks as a teacher of Dante and of his experience teaching an undergraduate course on the poet. I agree with Pierno. I would like to recommend this book highly to readers at large, but especially to teachers of Italian language and literature.

Savonarola and Savonarolism. Essays and Studies Toronto: Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies, He thus goes beyond the study by Lorenzo Polizzotto, who, in his The Elect Nation: The Savonarolan Movement in Florence, , closes his analysis of Savonarolism in when the Counter-Reformation was just getting underway. The book contains a glossary of useful terms, a list of illustrations, and, at the end, a discursive bibliography for each chapter. These features are without doubt necessary tools for the non-specialist reader.

It is clear that Savonarola understood the importance of printing as a means of propagating his ideas. It is also a compelling account of the literary tradition concerning Savonarola the man and his teachings. Each chapter reveals the constant interaction between his supporters and opponents throughout the sixteenth century and how this interplay reached its full expression in the form of literature, which was composed either in defense of or in opposition to the friar.

The history surveyed in Savonarola and Savonarolism informs us of the metamorphosis of Savonarolism in the course of a century: from a highly politicized reformist agenda to an increasingly apolitical and devotional movement. Church authority. Ravenna: Longo Editore, The value of these texts is, therefore, immense when compared to commentaries from later decades and centuries, for which the loss of focus affected by the passing of time renders them less connected with the reality of the poet.

On the other hand, access to these medieval glosses is often encumbered and obfuscated by the long and at times inconsistent manuscript tradition that has handled them for the past seven centuries. The first part contextualizes the edition within the manuscript tradition, including a history of the commentary. The second part addresses questions of ecdotica and of the interpretation of the text, generating authority for establishing this edition as a text in itself. The third part of the introduction examines the phenomenology of the copying tradition of the earliest commentaries.

It begins with this prologue or accessus generale and then it is divided into cantos. Hairston and Walter Stephens, eds. The Body in Early Modern Italy. What did the human body mean in early modern Italy? The fifteen essays in this collection, the result of an interdisciplinary conference held by the Johns Hopkins University in , admirably address and weigh in on this question. The essays are usefully divided into four thematic sections.

The first of these discusses bodies in the Petrarchan tradition. Margaret Brose skillfully examines the representations of the body and their multiple, emblematic fetishizations in the Canzoniere. Luca Marcozzi carefully traces a useful history of the corpus carcer metaphor and demonstrates how its use in Petrarch reveals the debt of his poetry to Christian Platonism. Perhaps the most salient essay in this initial section is that of Ronald L. The second section focuses on philosophical and scientific considerations of the body. This practice inspected the internal organs after death for corporeal signs of saintliness.

Beyond demonstrating the importance of these thinkers in the composition of the Malleus maleficarum, Stephens illustrates how Renaissance discourses of demonic corporeality and witchcraft were philosophical, empirical and protoscientific. Though the essay is somewhat less cohesive than the other pieces in this section, it succeeds in its reconstruction of a broad cultural context of phallic iconology in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.

She shows how the image of the saint being transfixed with arrows came to function as a symbol for overcoming diseases such as the plague and syphilis through the transference of classical figurations of the god Apollo onto the Christian saint. At the same time, Talvacchia demonstrates how the figure of Apollo, once transferred onto St. Sebastian, made the task of depicting of the saint an agonistic test of painterly virtuosity. The editors of this collection are to be commended for their careful selection of contributors and for the polyphony that results from these pieces despite their diversity.

The extensive notes, bibliography and index make this volume a useful tool for humanities scholarship, especially for students of gesture and corporality studies, cultural history, art history, Italian literature and gender studies. The collection is an essential text to own for all students of the Italian Renaissance. The breadth of material along with the innovative approaches employed are sure to spark countless ideas for further research as the role of the body continues to be reinserted into the critical consciousness of scholars.

A Critical Guide to the Complete Works. Ronald G. By highlighting the mixing of classical and biblical citations in five public speeches from to the year preceding his death in , and letters concerning these speeches and his time in princely courts, she presents him as Renaissance courtier-humanist avant la lettre.

La famiglia Moskat

Ann Matter examines the controversial history of transmission of the under-studied Psalmi penitentiales, an Augustinian dialogue that mirrors the Secretum through simultaneous concern for love and penitence. Stefano Cracolici reveals how the relentless revision of the Invective ad medicum dehistoricized the specific occasion of its composition to become a functional and rational literary genre, rather than a formal example of classical invective.

William J. Lynn Lara Westwater reconstructs the more contemporary, but no less public, self-fashioned image of the poet in the Lettere disperse — letters excluded from the Familiares and Seniles, which maintain their historicity, offering a different side of the Petrarch who endlessly revised and reordered letters destined for posterity.

Nevertheless, this volume is a critical tour de force previously unseen in Petrarch studies, whose essays and extensive bibliography are indispensable to Medieval and Renaissance scholars in all fields. Aileen A. By the same token, the research presented on Italian and Spanish primary texts is nicely balanced. The collection is rich as well in its engagement with a variety of generic forms: epic, chivalric romance, treatise, dialogue, figurative and dramatic arts, among other modes of expression.

Performativity was paramount, at the same time, as a means to showcase ideas and ideals of manhood. Malleable and slippery as a concept in practice and in theory, masculinity was created and negotiated on and off the written page, never losing its indisputable bond to social structures that bestowed or withheld power from its male subjects.

This is what the majority of the essays in the volume lead us to understand. This idea resonated with theatrical practice wherein female performers were preferred to males in drag, a custom enforced by legislative measures. Moving outside the domain of the superbly popular conduct manual, we come to the equally influential genres of epic and chivalric romance.

The Poetics of Masculinity invites our own creative integration of this fascinating tool of gendered analysis toward an ever more nuanced understanding of the early modern world. Luigi Pulci e la Chimera. Ad ogni modo, il libro dello studioso della Fordham University di pregi ne ha anche altri, oltre quello della chiarezza. Incrociando notizie biografiche e letterarie, lo studioso ci consegna una ricostruzione degli accadimenti molto ridimensionata, rispetto alla vulgata di un dissidio insanabile con il signore di Firenze coniugato al funesto contrasto con il filosofo e il prete di corte e concorda dunque con Decaria per quanto riguarda la portata dello scontro di Pulci con gli ultimi due.

Konrad Eisenbichler and Nicholas Terpstra. Una docenza fertile, caratterizzata da un singolare approccio dialettico ed interdisciplinare del metodo inquisitivo, in cui storia, sociologia, cultura, antropologia, religione, filosofia convergono e si compongono ordinatamente in un singolare specillum investigativo. Michele a Firenze, venne inaugurata nel Terzo e ultimo della serie, il saggio di Nicholas Terpstra, Catechizing in Prison and on the Gallows in Renaissance Italy: The Politics of Comforting the Condemned , analizza il fenomeno della diffusione delle conforterie bolognesi.

Mantenuta la divisione simmetrica dei tre saggi, la sezione mira ad analizzare la natura dei meccanismi di controllo attuati attraverso 1 la testimonianza dei tribunali vescovili o fori ecclesiastici E. Grendler e i suoi anni canadesi. Chaucer and Petrarch. Cambridge: D.

Brewer, The essay by W. Rossiter especially considers the translating and interpretative strategies adopted by Chaucer trying to adapt some of the Latin and Vulgar writings by Petrarch into his own language. Consequently, it appears that the revered Italian poet is mostly responsible for pointing out the two terms of paraphrase and metaphrase as the two most important theoretical terms of the question. Seemingly as a matter of priority, the author excludes any possibility of an encounter between the two poets The meticulous examination of the linguistic and formal alterations undergone by Petrarchan sonnet in the Chaucerian translation permits Rossiter to promulgate a tripartite conclusion regarding the overwhelming poetic role of Chaucer in England.

First, his primacy in spreading the knowledge and love for Petrarch throughout the country, as well as the foundation of the English sonnet; secondarily, his implicit exertion of the connection between Petrarch and Boccaccio based upon their common stilnovistic inheritance; finally, the extent of themes to which a Petrarchan sonnet can ascribe. For this reason, the plurality of interpretations to which it eventually invites the reader, the author eschews the medieval danger of closing up the hermeneutic richness of the text on a univocal moral conclusion The undoubtedly successful result of exhaustive and thorough research about one of the most relevant early modern authors, the text is in fact also a deep and important reconsideration about some of the literary strategies which modernity has inherited from the past.

La donna nel Rinascimento meridionale. Atti del convegno internazionale Roma novembre Pisa: Fabrizio Serra Editore, Trentuno relatori, italiani e stranieri, servendosi della varia tipologia di fonti archivistiche e degli studi che recentemente hanno arricchito la bibliografia, con determinazione e acribia, hanno delineato la condizione sociale della donna nel Rinascimento meridionale. Ecco il silenzio della donna nelle pagine oscene del Novellino di Tommaso Guardati, detto Masuccio Salernitano. Il breve trattato del cardinale Pompeo Colonna, Apologia mulierum, testimonia la presenza a Napoli di donne che promuovevano concrete iniziative assistenziali e ponevano il monastero al centro di incontri e salotti letterari.

Il Canzoniere di Petrarca tra codicologia ed ecdotica. Francesco Petrarca. Rerum vulgarium fragmenta. Edizione critica. Giuseppe Savoca. Previous editions — from the Aldine edition to the Canzoniere of Gianfranco Contini, first published in and often accorded the status of a critical edition, to the facsimile edition of the manuscript Vaticano Latino published under the direction of Gino Belloni, Furio Brugnolo, H.

Wayne Storey and Stefano Zamponi — are all rejected as inadequate by Savoca. Like every editor, however, Savoca makes decisions that are not defensible on the basis of the manuscript, and in any case, as Savoca points out, Vat.

Antonio Gallo’s 'poesia' books on Goodreads ( books)

In the 18 th and 19th centuries scholars did not even recognize Vat. Savoca is the first editor to return to the Vat. Commas function both rhythmically and semantically, and sometimes signify a brief pause to negotiate tension between rhythm and significance; they isolate or coordinate elements within and between clauses. Savoca argues that the subtlety with which the poet used the pause guarantees the musicality of the Canzoniere and the accretion of meaning.

This is the principal innovation of the edition. In compensation, the musicality of each work is enhanced, as is the fluidity of the entire Canzoniere as the reader passes from one composition to the next. The first line is punctuated with a colon, which charges the remainder of the sonnet, an accumulation of hyperbole praising the singularity of the beloved, to serve as a proof for the sweeping initial pronouncement. Unlike Contini, but in keeping with Vat.

According to Savoca, the comma in line three invites the reader to reflect on the happy contrast between the blond youth and the white head of maturity, and to mediate and harmonize the sound and sense. Removing the comma in line ten means losing a stylistic trait absolutely specific to Petrarch, that is, the use of the comma before the conjunction e, et.

Impressioni di Roma. La breccia di Porta Pia. Gabriella Romani. Venezia: Marsilio This was an event in which De Amicis himself had participated as a young army officer and military journalist. These accounts are truly passionate, but still embellished, in order to imprint Rome in the hearts of the Italian people, as future capital of the still incomplete kingdom of Italy. His memories, however, are more pamphlets than detailed reports. Real events and fictional invention are commixed, and his stories become tools to build memories, rather than to preserve them. Emiliano Battista. New York: Berg, , His stories are presented in a delectable way to involve people in the national effort to unify Italy.

Ci fu entusiasmo davvero? Thus, as ideological as he would appear, he wants to sell enthusiasm, because it is more moving than rigorous thinking. On the one hand, De Amicis reassures his reader that the unification process is not determined to suppress the Catholic Church. More than on papal Rome, the new Italian capital will have to be modeled on the classical one.

Rather than Catholic churches and altars built by popes to redefine the symbolic value of public spaces, the open-air monuments of Ancient Rome should inspire politicians and common people to shape the new secular Italian capital city. Similarly, there is no reference to Roman Jews still obliged to live in the Ghetto, although most of them interpreted the breach of Porta Pia as a messianic event.

The Year A Dream. Nicoletta Pireddu. David Jacobson. Lincoln: U of Nebraska P, The Isle of Experiments comprises other little states, such as Poligama where men have many wives , Polyandra where women have many husbands , Cenobia where men live in ascetism , Monachia where nuns are devoted to the cult of Sappho and, finally, Peruvia where life is modeled on the ancient socialist regime of the Incan Empire. A Dream is a book that bespeaks more of its own era than of the future it purports to unveil.

Utopia, and Antonio Ghislanzoni Abrakadabra. The Year A Dream constitutes an important addition to the relatively small number of nineteenth-century Italian novels available in English and is an invaluable text to add to any class, whether within a comparative context or not, teaching nineteenth-century Italian literature. La parola scritta e pronunciata. Nuovi saggi sulla narrativa di Vincenzo Consolo. San Cesario di Lecce: Manni Editore, I vari contributi, disposti cronologicamente a seconda del testo di cui si occupano, sono chiusi da un saggio dello stesso Consolo che, per la sua pregnanza di significati ed allusioni ne arricchisce il volume.

Oxford: Peter Lang, Nella seconda sezione, gli interventi si concentrano sul rapporto tra alcuni modelli teorici o aspetti concettuali e il pensiero postmoderno. Alessia Ronchetti, invece, analizza il postmodernismo alla luce della scuola italiana della differenza sessuale, basando le proprie riflessioni sui lavori di Luisa Muraro e Adriana Cavarero. New Haven: Yale UP, Domande di comprensione e suggerimenti per la discussione in classe seguono ogni sezione di testo.

Gli studenti possono anche consultare due appendici, che offrono una selezione di saggi, racconti e testimonianze, a illustrazione delle problematiche precedentemente toccate. Anche in questi capitoli, Bartalesi-Graf integra la propria sintesi storico-sociale con testimonianze documentarie, tra le quali interviste da lei condotte in Basilicata nel A Levi e alla sua opera sono dedicati i tre capitoli centrali. Laddove opportuno, le schede contengono indicazioni per considerazioni inter-testuali rispetto al Cristo oppure ad altri quadri.

Il capitolo si chiude con due sezioni dedicate ad argomenti di ricerca e discussione, e con una breve ma completa bibliografia e lista di siti internet dove trovare riproduzioni dei dipinti di Levi. Il capitolo si sofferma soprattutto sul confronto tra il testo e il film, approfondendone poi alcune tematiche comuni. I testi nelle appendici, inoltre, permettono di ascoltare, oltre a quella di Levi, altre voci dal sud.

Remapping Cultural History 7. New York: Berghahn Books, While connected by these concerns, each chapter in Journeys through Fascism is nonetheless fairly autonomous, not simply with regard to the geographical region under consideration, but also in terms of the kind of writer examined and, to some extent, the critical approach adopted. Upon these Grounds, both St. Vincentius and Serafinus de firmo [. This outcome did not depend on the acceptance of the instrumental role of astronomy, but it rested on the epistemological assumption sketched out at the beginning of his On the Natural Principles of Religion.

On the different status of probability and certainty in scientific inquiry from Bacon to Newton, cf. Experience belongs to the Mixed Evidence, because on one hand it arises from observation and, on the other, from repeated examination of the issues through a trial of the nature of things. The first one, being an incommunicable attribute of God, cannot be reached by the Human being. Transposing this epistemological survey to the topic of A Discourse Concerning a New Planet, the debate about Copernicanism was not subsumed under Certainty but only under Probability.

The Copernican debate did not admit propositions defined Self-evident and first Principles,37 which were necessary for deductions exempt from contradictions and reasonable doubts. Nevertheless, the crucial importance of sensible knowledge38 enabled astronomy not to incur in the suspension of Assent. VIII , while it was more probable according to the evidence provided by the telescope that the Earth moved, rather than the Heavens revolved around it prop.

Conversely to Wilkins, Mersenne developed his argumentation by distinguishing the instrumental role of heliocentrism from the cosmological one. First Principles, because they cannot be proven a priori. In the Questions Inouyes,43 Mersenne outlined the uncertainty of Physics, while a few years later, in the Nouvelles Observations physiques et mathematiques, he presented a reappraisal of the epistemological limit of physical inquiry. Pessel, Paris, Fayard, , p.

Also in this case, the outcome is not sceptical. The strong dependence of acoustics and optics on geometrical laws was extraneous to the survey concerning falling bodies: according to Mersenne, it was entirely based on the recording of grades of speed, which could not be determined with certainty by human senses. This was the reason why, in the former, Mersenne did not appeal to the docta ignorantia hinted at in the Novarum Observationum physico-mathematicum Tomus III with reference to the impossibility of measuring exactly the time of fall of a body. In the Harmonie Universelle he had claimed the opposite: Du mouvement des corps, p.

The epistemological limits of human knowledge and the impossibility to empirically verify the astronomical theories led Mersenne to define heliocentrism and geo -helio centrism merely as possible models, employed by scientists in order to reach a coherent explanation of appearances. In this new comment of the Genesis, he claimed that in case of plausible scientific theories, the Church should have accepted heliocentrism, as well as atomism and the Telesian doctrine, as long as they were supported by empirical confirmation.

This statement lived together with a different assertion 53 Quaestiones in Genesim cit. Quaestiones in Genesim, coll. It is a duty of the Church to control anyone who does not explain the Scripture following his fantasy. I know that one can answer that there are other passages which agree on the movement of the Earth, like Mota est Terra a facie Domini, etc. Mersenne, Wilkins and Galileo declined the subject of accomodatio in completely different ways: in the first, it emphasized the traditio ecclesiae as unique source of correct interpretation of scriptural passages; in the second, it led to an accurate biblical exegesis and to a heated debate with Alexander Ross; in the third, it gave rise to the well-known arguments of the Letter to Christina.

Within an epistemological stance, which conceived the heliocentric and geocentric systems as contradictory63 — the former as true and the latter as false —, claiming that the direct expression of the Holy Spirit was tailored to common sense by supporting geocentrism would have implied the acceptance of a Deus deceptor. According to Galileo, the relation of dependence existing between the three terms of Nature, Scripture and Human mind was established in keeping with the temporal order of Creation. II, Paris, Billaine, , p. If Galileo had considered the Ptolemaic and Copernican systems as hypotheses — thus refusing the mathematization of Nature —, there would not have been any logical necessity to establish a conformity between Bible and heliocentrism, especially absent any apodictic proof.

This led Mersenne to maintain the supremacy of traditional interpretation, although Wilkins quoted him65 among the sources concerning the principle of accomodatio, alternating him with Augustine, Calvin, Kepler and Foscarini. See also Discourse, pp. Indeed, not knowing of the existence of antipodes and of some astronomical and philosophical issues did not invalidate the truth of the Holy Writ message, since this depended on the imperfect and limited knowledge of the Human being.

Discovery, p. Joshua] was unskillful in Astronomy, having the same gross conceit of the Heavens, as the vulgar had. Following our appetite for knowledge corresponded to conforming to the human nature granted by God this assumption allowed the intrinsic religiosity of scientific inquiries to manifest itself, since they produced an idea of God in Man, keeping it away from the two opponents of Religion, namely Superstition and Prophaneness.

Wilkins dealt with ibid. The former sprang from ignorance; the latter was due to a neglect of sacred things and duties, and it depended on the ignorance of the true nature of things. Of the Principles and Duties cit. Things, and make him place his love, and endeavour upon those Comforts that may be more answerable to the excellence of his Nature. On the Principles and Duties cit. Dialogo, III, p. Discourse, pp. X Colloquio Internazionale, Firenze, Olschki, , pp.

Colin, , pp. The theoretical path drafted by Galileo when discussing about ordo was opposite to the descriptive stance adopted in the Dialogo: he did not move 90 Ibid. The order certainly present among celestial bodies established a direct proportion between orbital dimensions and orbital periods.


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  4. Ivi, pp. X, pp. Although no divine act could be considered useless and superfluous, it was possible that God had decided to set the Earth and make it immobile at the centre of the universe according to reasons that could not be understood by the imperfect and finite human intellect. We have neither science nor revelation concerning the way in which God set the movements of the Universe; since, in spite of the fact He makes nothing in vain and there is nothing superfluous in His works, there can be significant reasons according to which He set to turn the firmament and to stay rest the Earth.

    This is the reason why it seems to me that it is more appropriate to suspend our judgment than to be carried away by conjectures used to uphold this movement. II cit. I cit. VI, p. Unlike Mersenne, since the letter to Castelli, Galileo underscored the disorder created by the interference of Theologians in scientific issues. According to the Italian philosopher, disorder had been caused by the attempt to reduce everything to unity, by dodging all coexistence between what was different in a sort of Concordia discors , as well as by avoiding a comparison that would have enabled to overtake the presumed opposition between science and Scripture, thus displaying the faithful dialogue and final agreement between these two distinct fields.

    Indeed, in the Letters on Sunspots Galileo admitted to have been compelled to conceal his convictions Certain recent discoveries that depart from common and popular opinions have been noisily denied and impugned, obliging me to hide in silence every new idea of mine until I have more than proved it. Even the most trivial error is charged to me as a capital fault by the enemies of innovation, making it seem better to remain with the herd in error than to stand alone in reasoning correctly.

    Comparable in this only to Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, he corresponded with highranking personalities as well as with nobles, researchers, scholars, poets, and artists like Peter Paul Rubens. Even horrendous crimes, says Peiresc, need not be expiated if they committed by artists. For the prospect of coming artworks outweighs just punishment: I know that painters who excelled in their art have had pardoned extremely serious sins whose enormity was most horrifying, in order not to let their other merit go to waste.

    Der Mond. Die Sonne. Die Hand, Berlin, Akademie Verlag, , pp. Drei Jahre im Leben des Athanasius Kircher. Eine Mikrostoria , Noderstedt BoD, , pp. His assertion contradicts a legal principle that forbids every form of special treatment. Of course, at the time when Peiresc made his remark, there was no unified legal system; but it is still astonishing that, without comment, he propounds a principle that would seem to contradict his image as a prototype of an enlightened intellectual.

    With his statement, Peiresc was intervening in the dispute over the conviction of Galileo. But for Peiresc, at any rate, Barberini was the symbol of hope who could free Galileo from his punishment. He knew Galileo well; he had studied under him briefly in Padua and followed his research since the Sidereus Nuncius with the highest esteem.

    Peiresc gives an inimitable twist to the many voices that stood up for Galileo, especially from France. Kohlhammer, , pp. What is really spectacular is its derivation from a principle primarily applied to artists, a principle that Peiresc says guarantees them exemption from punishment even for the worst crimes for the sake of their merits.

    The principle of the immunity of the greatest artists, even when they have committed heinous crimes, must apply all the more to Galileo, whose offense was small. Rather, the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries provide a number of examples Peiresc may have been referring to. Time permits me to allude to only a few of them. This painter — the most famous in Rome in his day — was accused in March of having instigated an attack on the painter Cristoforo Roncalli in order to eliminate a competitor.

    And indeed, Cesari was able to resume making the mosaic in the cupola of St. Profili istituzionali e pratiche sociali, Rome, Carocci, , pp. Maria Maggiore. This was one of the most honorable and personal works that the Pope could have commissioned at the time. Bonarelli was married to Costanza, a woman who probably came from the minor nobility of the Piccolomini, but who had a fortune and understood art.

    Clad solely in a loose blouse seemingly opening of its own accord, the beloved gazes at the viewer with taut intensity, and her mouth, surprised as in a moment of reverie, increases the vibrating tension. He chased his brother as far as into their joint workshop in St. The chase continued until monks stopped him and held him in Santa Maria Maggiore. He had entered the church with sword drawn to kill his brother. This deed corresponds to the practice of disfiguring a person who was to be dishonored.

    The Sistine and Pauline chapels in S. The legal immunity of the illustrious artist that Peiresc underscores so impressively corresponded to the emphasis with which Urban VIII elevated the artist Bernini, as a supernatural bearer of light, to become a protagonist of the ruling solar iconography. Jacques Laager , Zurich, Manesse Verlag, , p.

    Kunst und Kunsttheorie im Jahrhundert eds. This promotion of the evildoer was so unusual that Cellini himself distinguished it explicitly from an act of pardon. In harmony with Peiresc, Cellini does not speak of an act of pardoning, but of the suspension of the framework within which penalty and pardon could be effective.

    The practice of removing the creator of singular works from the realm of punishment was a response to an elemental problem of legal theory. For generations, in the face of the prevailing simultaneous practice of divergent legal systems — for example those applied by the Empire, the cities, the estates, and individual groups — the establishment of a translegal protector of the law had been discussed.

    Ex nihilo, the founder of the law is enabled to act super ius et contra ius: above and against the law. I, Historische Grundlagen, Heidelberg, C. The criminal artist who was freed from penalty was the medium of this sovereign who was capable of the exception. For this reason, the profiling of the divine artist ran parallel to the formulation of the modern doctrine of sovereignty.

    It is no coincidence that Cellini underscores the translegality of extraordinary artists as a product of this interlocking between fundamental law and art theory. Laws cannot be imposed on those who are master over them! The glorious works of artists were able to demonstrate that the sovereign was able to command the law, precisely in the wonderland of translegality. Beck, , pp. Metzler, , pp. Peiresc crucially influenced the circle of scholars around Francesco Barberini. By elevating Galileo to the level of the criminal artists whose exemption from punishment could be presented as the other side of legislative sovereignty, Peiresc was able to address the sole sovereignty that had the power to apply or suspend laws.

    Jahrhunderts, Munich, Hirmer Verlag, , p. Peiresc was not a proponent of the coming Absolutism. He thus shows insights all the deeper into the mystery of its legal system. But he lets it run against itself. This echo of the terminology of art theory provided another reference to art, but at the same time defused the problem.

    Galileo would have had to have been a great criminal in order to enjoy the privilege of a truly sovereign exemption from punishment. But Galileo himself had blocked this line of argumentation by forswearing his position. Galileo was always also termed an artist and even the reincarnation of Michelangelo, and, as Paolo Galluzzi has reconstructed, his sepulcher was staged as a symbol of the metempsychosis from Michelangelo to Galileo. I have tried to decode why this did not apply in the field of law. Anisson, , II, pp.

    Schonwetteri, Antonini Diana, [. Cardinales n. I, tract. Albertum, , l. Et que se passerait-il si des raisons invincibles persuadaient du mouvement de la terre? Mais, dit-il, cela est absurde, et ab absurdo sequitur quodlibet. Ad numeros igitur singulas lineas reducamus. Bouvet, , p. Anisson, , nn. Joseph et Richelieu. Pintard, B. Rochot, A. Bruxelles , pp. Dupret, , III, pp. Le chiarificazioni apportate dai recenti studi storici ci permettono di affermare che tale doloroso malinteso appartiene ormai al passato.

    Anzi, a ben vedere, come da tempo abbiamo altrove dimostrato,2 furono probabilmente proprio costoro a gettare le prime solide basi di quel futuro mito galileiano cui fa riferimento Giovanni Paolo II. Studi e ricerche, a cura di P. Poupard, Roma, Piemme, , pp. Enciclopedia o dizionario ragionato delle scienze, delle arti e dei mestieri, a cura di Paolo Casini, Bari, Laterza, , p. A ben vedere a Galileo non era riconosciuto neppure un qualche merito specifico sul piano epistemologico e filosofico nella nascita del metodo sperimentale.

    Molta acqua era passata sotto i ponti. Oltralpe, rispetto alla filosofia e alla teologia, la scienza moderna, lungi dal rappresentare un pericolo, era allora diventata addirittura un bastione a difesa della religione: la frontiera ultima e decisiva per combattere le nuove minacce del materialismo e del vitalismo di origine rinascimentale. Intorno al nuovo indiscusso profeta della scienza, Isaac Newton, vi appaiono collocati tutti i massimi ingegni apparsi in Occidente, da Bacone a Gassendi, a Cartesio. Tutti, tranne Galileo.

    Una polemica scientifica , Firenze, Olschki, Il disegno di pubblicare in ogni modo, anche clandestinamente se necessario, tutti i testi di Galileo accanto a quelli ispirati al newtonianesimo raggiunse il culmine con la splendida edizione degli Opera omnia di Pierre Gassendi, apparsa a Firenze nel Il lungo saggio introduttivo che li apriva rappresentava di fatto il manifesto ufficiale dei cattolici illuminati.

    Di certo il clima intellettuale andava rapidamente mutando verso la chiusura. Nel , sempre Frisi, con il suo Elogio di Galileo, primo di una serie che sarebbe proseguita con Cava10 Cfr. Barbarisi, Milano, Angeli, , pp. Le dure risposte di parte gesuitica non si fecero attendere.

    Miscellanea di studi, a cura di A. Preterossi, Roma-Bari , pp. Atti del convegno della Fondazione Pellegrino, a cura di F. Bolgiani, V. Ferrone, F. Margiotta Broglio, Bologna, Il Mulino, , pp. Lo scienziato pisano non era forse un martire cattolico, credente, pio? Nelle intenzioni del Granduca Leopoldo II, il Terzo Congresso degli Scienziati Italiani doveva trasformarsi in uno spettacolo come pochi altri, da restare ben impresso nella memoria dei fiorentini e di tutti coloro che avrebbero avuto la fortuna di assistervi.

    Fanno grandi preparativi e fra gli altri una sala al Galileo, magnifica. Babbini-Giusti, Pescia, Tipografia E. Cipriani, , p. Sui Congressi degli Scienziati Italiani cfr. A Boboli cena straordinaria, tutti i giorni, alle tre; cena di quattrocentocinquanta scienziati; ognuno pagava cinquanta soldi, ma il Granduca aggiungeva, in segreto, due franchi per pasto. In bella vista si potevano ammirare il cannocchiale, la calamita armata e il compasso; e una delle sue mirabili lenti, come si usava per le reliquie dei santi, era ben incapsulata in una speciale custodia ornata con ori e marmi intarsiati.

    Bardi, , p. Sulla Tribuna cfr. Emanuele, gli ultimi anni di Galileo Galilei, Venezia, Marsilio, , pp. La Tribuna aveva un duplice scopo: esaltare il ruolo svolto da Galileo come fondatore del metodo sperimentale e, insieme, celebrare il primato indiscusso della dinastia dei Medici e dei loro successori come protettori nel campo non solo delle arti ma anche delle scienze. Orazione detta al consesso degli Scienziati italiani il 2 ottobre , Pisa, Tipografia Nistri, , p. Le notizie sul congresso scientifico pisano ebbero vasta eco e raggiunsero in breve tempo molti esuli italiani sparsi nei diversi paesi europei.

    Da Londra Giuseppe Mazzini, che aveva letto anche sui giornali francesi dei brevi resoconti delle manifestazioni, scriveva alla madre di aver conosciuto Emilio Demi a Livorno proprio mentre stava lavorando alla statua di Galileo ed era convinto che il lavoro sarebbe riuscito molto bene. Galeati, , vol. VIII, p. Mazzini alla madre, 23 ottobre IX, p. Mazzini alla madre, 26 febbraio Fournier et C. Su Libri cfr. Scientist, Patriot, Scholar, Journalist and Thief. Il saggio di Libri godette di ampia fortuna.

    II, p. Libri a G. Capponi, 5 novembre La forte impronta anticlericale di Libri non era condivisa da Capponi. III, p. Ma quante volte mi son provato a leggere le ultime frasi di questa introduzione, le lacrime e il pianto mi hanno interrotto, e non ho potuto continuare. Libri a Rosa Libri, 14 maggio Saffi a G.

    Libri, 28 gennaio IV, Firenze, Tipografia G. E tra questi figuravano anche intellettuali, uomini di scienza e di lettere di assoluto valore come Giacomo Manzoni e Silvestro Gherardi. Manzoni svolse la funzione di sostituto del ministro delle finanze e, dal marzo , quella di ministro; Gherardi fu nominato sottosegretario e poi ministro ad interim della Pubblica Istruzione. Quando in luglio la Repubblica cadde, Manzoni si trovava a Londra su incarico del governo alla ricerca di aiuti finanziari, poi nei mesi seguenti fu esule in Svizzera, Toscana, San Marino.

    Dragoni e Fabio Zavalloni, in ibid. Annali Il Risorgimento, Torino, Einaudi, , pp. Officio si scegliesse e si pubblicasse il meglio. Manzoni a R. Paribeni, Livorno 26 aprile Si trattava di salvare e rendere pubblici documenti importantissimi della storia italiana: una missione tutta politica, dunque, da condurre in gran segretezza, ma che al momento giusto avrebbe ottenuto unanimi riconoscimenti. Sii pur cauto, non per questa cosa, ma per tutto il resto che ti riguarda di quei tempi: sii cauto nel parlarne. C, busta 50, n. Manzoni a S. Gherardi, 24 novembre Gherardi, 4 maggio Su Berti cfr.

    VII, 6, fasc. Ciononostante per tutti gli anni Sessanta e Settanta continuarono, e furono molte, le prese di posizione a sostegno della tesi che Galileo fosse stato torturato. Ma in una lettera del 17 dicembre inviata a Libri da un suo corrispondente romano, Gaetano Santucci, si viene a sapere speranze, accresciutesi in questi giorni, di procurarmi altri documenti. Gherardi, 24 aprile Sulla vicenda cfr. Memorie storico-critiche, Roma, coi tipi della S. De propaganda fide, Santucci a G. Libri, 17 dicembre Monumenti e politica monumentale a Roma , Roma, Artemide Edizioni, , capp.

    II, VII. Vanini, Pietro Ramo e Tommaso Campanella, avrebbe dovuto trovare posto anche il medaglione di Galileo. Parte frontale del monumento con i medaglioni di T. Campanella e P. Sono stato anche io un semplice studioso e so quanto importi di non trovare le porte chiuse. Inoltre io tengo che la S. I difetti degli uomini dei quali si compone, non Fig. Una stagione — quella dei Libri, Manzoni, Gherardi, Saffi — si era chiusa definitivamente. Ehrle a A.

    Favaro, 12 gennaio Quintino Sella. Befani, Io non so esprimere quello che sento in me davanti a questo nome [. Zanichelli, , p. Fiorentino e Labriola sono due voci importanti, ma ce ne sono altre che cantano fuori dal coro. Le Monnier, , II, p. Cavour, , p. Nella Bibliografia bruniana di Salvestrini il suo nome appare una sola volta, come intermediario tra Bertrando Spaventa e Felice Le Monnier per una edizione — che non vide la luce — di opere del Nolano. Quando si tratta di una pietra dello scandalo come Bruno le divisioni attraversano tanto il campo clericale quanto quello liberale.


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    Ma negli stessi anni furono anche raggiunti risultati eccezionali per quanto riguarda la conoscenza della vita di Bruno e del suo processo e infine della sua morte sul rogo. Per quanto possa sembrare paradossale, fino agli anni Ottanta del Novecento a Bruno non era stata riconosciuta, in via definitiva, neppure la sua morte.

    Thorin, Era una ferita profonda, assai difficile da rimarginare. Immagini di Giordano Bruno cit. Chi preferisce piuttosto un teista o semiteista si raccomandi al Clemens o al Carriere. Nella ricorrenza del III centenario. Il volume miscellaneo Arm. I documenti del processo di Galileo Galilei, a cura di Sergio M.

    Vincenzi, Memorie storico-critiche dirette alla Romana Accademia di archeologia, Roma, coi tipi della s. La qual cosa, commenta il Gebler, significa che Bellarmino aveva ammonito Galilei ad abbandonare la dottrina di Copernico e che questi vi si era adattato. Non solo: stando al decreto del 3 marzo, risulta evidente, secondo Wohlwill e Gebler, quale dovette essere la risoluzione della Chiesa nei confronti del copernicanesimo: proibire del tutto i libri espressamente copernicani come fu, in effetti, fatto per Bruno ; epurare gli altri.

    Cotta, Questo testo, contenente gli Atti del processo, va ad affiancare il primo, risalente al , intitolato Galileo Galilei und die Romische Curie: nach den authentischen Quellen. Oppenheim, Qualche breve esempio. Bertrando Spaventa si confronta relativamente tardi con la figura di Galileo,51 quando il dibattito di matrice neokantiana si propone di metterne in 46 Ibid. XVI sino al nostro tempo, Modena, R. Governativa, ed. Napoli, Morano, , p. Grignani, , p. Fine della controversia Celui-ci ne tombe donc plus sous les anciennes condamnations.

    Cette mesure est ap29 Ibid. Elle aura une issue surprenante. Copernico, Galilei e la Chiesa cit. Cong[regazio]ne del S. Jahrhunderts, Graz Verlag Styria, , 3 voll. Si veda soprattutto il vol. II: Ruckgriff auf scholastischen Erbe, ; in trad. Su aspetti del neotomismo cfr.

    Di fatto venivano posti in secondo piano nello studio dei cattolici e degli studenti dei Seminari pensatori cristiani di grande levatura come Agostino, Anselmo, Bonaventura, in quanto i loro spunti filosofici parevano a questo papa insufficienti a fondare una fede consapevole. IV, pp. Si veda, su questa rivista, la presentazione dei punti nodali del documento, alle pp. Commentarium officialis, C, , 4 iulii, pp. X, vol. XI, , pp. Acta, I, pp. Tale filosofia della natura pose dei problemi.

    In questo contesto il ricorso al pensiero di Galileo Galilei fu problematico, e per diversi motivi. Il cosiddetto meccanicismo, che era stato introdotto pp. Rossini, Roma, Cinque Lune, , pp. II: Testi e documenti per un bilancio del neotomismo. Per questo motivo presentarono Galilei come uno scienziato che era in linea con la filosofia cristiana. Quale poteva essere allora il senso dello sperimentalismo galileiano se, nella prospettiva neotomista, era la forma che spiegava movimento e composizione dei corpi?

    Che senso potevano allora avere per un neotomista il moto corpuscolare ed i composti fisici? Essi diedero per scontato che Galilei come lo scienziato che aveva concepito una nuova visione del metodo scientifico, andasse valorizzato. Eppure qualche problema poteva delinearsi, se si teneva presente che la metodologia qualitativa in fisica ormai era del tutto obsoleta e che la stessa concezione della materia prima non poteva minimamente essere compatibile con il discorso metodologico galileiano.

    Ritengo che i neotomisti non intendessero rinfocolare le polemiche del Seicento, e soprattutto non intendessero far rivivere il dramma della condanna dello scienziato toscano davanti al Santo Uffizio. In questa mia relazione vorrei rendermi conto di come questo potesse accadere. Eppure lo scienziato toscano aveva escluso dalla metodologia da lui propugnata concetti estranei 8 Cfr.

    Nasceva forse da una scelta tattica? Il che non era esattamente quanto aveva ritenuto Galilei. Secchi riteneva che la creazione avesse strutturato forze entro la materia che spiegavano lo sviluppo dei pianeti e la progressiva stratificazione delle specie viventi. Questo, creduto fino a non molto una sostanza, si riconobbe ai giorni nostri non essere che il movimento oscillatorio delle masse molecolari.

    Quindi fu cambiato il modo di rappresentare il mondo che ci contorna. La posizione di Secchi insomma enunciava il punto di vista di una filosofia sperimentale in cui solo dopo il riscontro delle osservazioni e dei dati verificabili si poteva parlare di forze naturali. Proprio nel nome di Galilei Secchi riteneva impresentabile la visione tomistica.

    Saggio di filosofia naturale, Roma, Tip. Forense, ; Milano, Treves, Conosciamo le linee di esso dalla confutazione cornoldiana. Semmai erano le preoccupazioni teologiche a salvaguardare la formulazione tridentina del dogma eucaristico, che spingeranno i gesuiti del Collegio romano e non solo a scegliere la visione tomistica legata alla distinzione tra sostanza ed accidenti, e poi alla prospettiva ilemorfica.

    Si sarebbe potuto arrivare ad un dialogo di Galilei con i Gesuiti, e fu forse un complesso di circostanze ad impedirlo. Secchi pensava che la condanna di Galilei fosse frutto di equivoci, cui lo stesso scienziato si era prestato. Poliglotta di Propaganda Fide, , pp. Poliglotta di Propaganda Fide, , che era stato contestato da Berti nella sua edizione degli atti del processo. La pubblicazione successiva prendeva spunto dalla lettera di Secchi e rincarava la dose.

    II, vol. IV, , pp. Il processo originale di Galileo, CC, s. XVIII, vol. IX, , pp. Il che naturalmente non permise di capire con chiarezza le motivazioni reali della condanna. I retroscena rimasero a livello di ipotesi. De Backer et A. VII, coll. Ho inoltre avuto come punti di riferimento gli studi contenuti nel volume: Galileo Galilei: anni di studi, a cura di Paul Poupard, Roma, Piemme, Al contrario lo scienziato toscano aveva avuto il merito di avviare una metodologia che era alla base dei progressi della fisica tra Seicento ed Ottocento.

    Il fatto di voler inglobare Galilei entro una visione fisica collegata alla materia ed alla forma era un pessimo servizio fatto al suo merito. Secchi pertanto aveva risposto alle argomentazioni di Cornoldi in difesa del sistema fisico-scolastico solo per interposta persona. Non intendeva polemizzare con un suo confratello che gli opponeva tesi che lui considerava debolissime. Occorre spiegare che lo scienziato, fisico, matematico ed astronomo Secchi non era coinvolto nella questione filosofica riguardante il sistema circa la natura dei corpi, che interessava i suoi colleghi docenti di filosofia.

    Ma non voleva entrare in questioni che non riguardavano i suoi insegnamenti di matematica, fisica terrestre ed astronomia. La punizione di Cornoldi, reo di aver attaccato Secchi e di aver prodotto nella Compagnia un notevole scompiglio, fu esemplare. La preoccupazione della rivista era istituzionalmente quella di combattere il materialismo, ispirando una visione secondo la quale la materia mai poteva essere puramente presidiata da forze che impedissero la formazione di elementi dotati di forme. La sintesi chimica non era aggregazione e processo di elementi, ma trasformazione di sostanze in base alle loro forme.

    Parallelamente alla posizione di Cornoldi si manifesta quella di suoi colleghi nella professione neotomistica.

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    Sociale, , furono attaccate da alcuni articoli di L. II, pp. Questo soggetto poi vien condotto a costituire tale e tale corpo, in quanto viene informato da tale o tal altro principio determinante ed attuoso. Alla base delle nuove scienze fisiche stava un nuovo criterio, confliggente con la visione scolastica. II: Metaphysica specialis, pp.

    Essi in fondo si ispiravano oltre che al padre Secchi, anche ad uno dei fondatori della rivista, il padre Giovanni Battista Pianciani, figura notevole di scienziato e filosofo della natura, sperimentalista e non tomista. XV, vol. II, , pp. XVI , , pp. Giambattista Pianciani, Roma, Tip. V , , pp. CC, III, s. I, , pp. Il padre Salis-Seewis non era infatti tomista.

    Lo scritto rielaborava la tesi di laurea di De Dominicis, sostenuta a Pisa. IX , , pp. Sul pensiero di De Dominicis, cfr. Per una bibliografia della storiografia filosofica di orientamento positivistico in Italia cfr. XVII, , pp. Salis-Seewis, nel contrastare il positivismo, segue una strada diversa da quella di Cornoldi. Il preteso dogmatismo della filosofia cristiana sta tutto qui. Le argomentazioni di De Dominicis sono infondate, in quanto pongono arbitrariamente un conflitto tra la fede del pensatore e le sue posizioni razionali. Forse che ammessa una prima causa di moto, ne viene che tutti i moventi intermedii non muovano?

    E dato che le forze elettriche, calorifiche, e chimiche, siano create da Dio, ne segue che queste non producano i loro effetti seguendo certe leggi? Per tutte queste considera45 Ibid. Di qui in fondo nacquero i guai per lui. Tuttavia il padre Salis-Seewis appare ottimista sul ruolo del pensatore toscano. Dopo qualche inevitabile contraddizione, fu ascoltato, e le scienze naturali nella Chiesa e dai credenti furono coltivate con nuovo ardore. Pare di capire che, fermo restando il ruolo della filosofia portata a grande sviluppo da San Tommaso ma non solo da lui , il pensiero moderno 47 Ibid.

    Egli credente, e credenti quei che costruirono il nuovo edificio delle scienze naturali. Galilei trova, secondo Salis-Seewis, il suo posto nella storia del pensiero cristiano solo in questa prospettiva, e non fingendo che la sua visione corpuscolare e dinamica sia la stessa cosa della visione della materia prima e della forma sostanziale risuscitata da Cornoldi e da Liberatore. Eppure hanno accettato di difendere la buona fede filosofica di Galilei e la sua grandezza di scienziato facendo di lui la vittima di equivoci.

    The unshrinking defence of the Holy Scripture, however, does not require that we should equally uphold all the opinions which each of the Fathers or the more recent interpreters have put forth in explaining it; for it may be that, in commenting on passages where physical matters occur, they have sometimes expressed the ideas of their own times, and thus made statements which in these days have been abandoned as incorrect.