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L'art de la philosophie

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Description Systematique du Mbo Langue Bantoue a. Comique et politique chez les modernes et les anciens. Les vacances sauvages : Camper en famille au plus proche de la nature. T'as vu le plan? Nelson Mandela et la naissance de la nouvelle Afrique du Sud. Bassin, cuisse et genou. Petite anatomie de l'inconscient physique ou l'anatomie de l'image. Le Culte moderne des monuments : Sa nature et ses origines. Deux poumons, une seule respiration : Vers une pleine communion de foi. Fascination des nouvelles technologies et transhumanisme. Raissa Maritain ou le courage philosophique French Edition.

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Journal d'un noob, Tome 3 : Journal d'un noob mega-guerrier. La guerre des blocs, Tome 3 : Prisonnier de l'Ender. Ea a imitat-o. Este identic! Este la fel! El a posedat. El a succedat. Ea s-a ocupat de ea. A fi atent. El este atent. A necesitat. E necesar. El a fost preocupat.

El a aplanat terenul. Netezirea Aplatizarea. El a nivelat. El a ocolit. Fiul vitreg. A ajuns la pubertate. Este precoce pentru varsta lui. Fecioara Virgin. Este un minor. Este majore. Am avut un teren frumos. Un gazon frumos. Acesta este situat. Este comod! E confortabil. L-am cazat. M-am adaptat. Este inadaptabil neadaptabil! Am sunat. A penetrat. Este impenetrabil! Am evauat intrarea.

Am deschis fereastra. Deschiderea magazinului. Am urcat treptele. A urca pe scara. M-am mutat. Am dus mobila. Duce : el duce un lucru. El a dus. El a adus. L-am pus jos. El a juxtapus. Pune da o parte. El a suprapus. Pune sus. Pune jos dedesubt. A introdus. A inversat. A intervertit a permuta : el a permutat.

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Am amenajat-o. E salubru! Este viabil! Halatul capotul Adormi : adorm devreme. Am adormit. A somnolat. Este somnolent. A face un somn. Dormi : dorm bine. Este insomniac. Visa : visatorul face un vis frumos. A visat. Este efemer. Idealiza : idealizez. A idealizat. Este ideal. Este nereal. Este real. M-am trezit. M-am sculat. S-a ridicat. S-a redresat. S-a aplecat. Este oblic. S-a inclinat.

Inclinarea aplecarea. Patura plapuma. Invita : invit prieteni la mine. I-am invitat la restaurant. Pune : pun masa. Debarasa : debarasez masa. Am debarasat. E gata! El s-a saturat. Este saturat. Am servit. Am uns. Mesteca : A mestecat. Morfoli : el a morfolit. Perdeaua cortina. Cina : cinez. Am cinat. Cina : am cinat.

M-am alimentat. Savura : savurez. Am savurat. Savoarea, este savuros. Este suculent gustos. S-a delectat. Deliciul delectarea. Este delicios. Se coace : fructul se coace. S-a copt. Este copt. Fructul este putred. Este stricat. Este periodic. Hali : halesc. Am halit. Degusta : degust.

Am degustat. Este pofticios. Suge : suge o bomboane. Este amar! Este acru! Este picant iute! Pipera : piperez. Am piperat. Este piperat. Uleia : uleiez. Asezona : Este asezonat condimentat! Unge gresa : a uns gresat. Degresa : a degresat. Gresajul ungerea. Este gras! Strecura : A strecurat. El a dozat. Pune sosul : Am pus sosul. Descoji : Descojesc morcovi. Am descojit. Toca : Toc legumele.

Am tocat. Strecura : le strecor. Le am strecurat. E aspru. E limpede. Am baut. Sorbi : Sorbesc. A lins. Suge : Suge suzeta. A supt. Am turnat apa in carafa. Infuza : Este infuzat. Amesteca : Amestec cu o lingura. Am amestecat. A amestecat. Amestecarea amestecul. Am presat tare. Am ranversat. Umple : Umplu sticla. El a umplut-o. E plin! El a golit-o. Destupa Desfunda : desfund. Am desfundat. Obtura : A obturat. Frige : Frige rosbiful. Am fiert. Sunt gras. Fac un regim.

Sunt slab. Digera : Diger greu. Am digerat. Voma vomita : vomez vomit. Am vomat vomitat. Sufoca : Sufoc. Am sufocat. E sufocant. Scuipa : Scuip. Am scuipat jos. Scuipare Sputa. Cabinetul stomatologic. E dureros Doare! Sunt bolnav. E grav. Am tremurat de frig.

E febril. Sufferi : sufer foarte mult. Am suferit. Este palid. El este livid. Suport : Nu mai suport boala mea. Am suportat. E insuportabil. Calmantul m-a alinat. Lua : Eu iau un tratament. E de neluat. E vitaminat. Doctorul m-a tratat. M-a vindecat. M-am restabilit. Biroul medical. Am urat. Spitalizarea internarea. Le-am ajutat. Tranfuza : este transfuzat. Perfuza : e perfuzat. Fractura ruperea. Tumefia : E tumefiat. S-a degradat. Regenera : a regenerat. A gemut. Generaliza : E generalizat. Medicalizat : E medicalizat.

Cresta juli : S-a crestat. Cresta : S-a crestat. Am sangerat. M-am ars. A secretat. E purulent. Bate : inima bate prea repede. A pompat. Consulta : Consult un medic. El m-a consultat. Prescrie : Prescrie un tratament. El m-a auscultat. Handicapa : El este handicapat. E estropiat schilodit. Este paralizat. Paralizia paralizarea. Sunt operat. E preoperatoriu. A grefat. Ea s-a infectat. A dezinfecta : dezinfectez rana. Am dezinfectat-o. El a sterilizat. E steril.

A imuniza : E imunizat. A putrezit. A cicatriza : cicatrizez. Am cicatrizat. Rana a cicatrizat. A amputa : amputez. Am fost amputat. Mutila : E mutilat. Caserna de pompieri. Sala de operare. E urgent. El a anesteziat. E dependent. E autonom. Ajutora pe cineva : Te ajutorez. Primul ajutor. Ajutoarele umanitare. Inhala : a inhalat.

Ofta suspina : Oftez suspin. Am oftat. E fatal. Am suflat. Suflu Suflarea. A contaminat. Contaminarea contagiunea. E contagios! S-a propagat. S-a vaccinat. Ea a ucis omorit. El a decedat. A se sinucide : se sinucide. E mortuar. E mortal. Muri : muroare. El a murit. Ei au inhumat. Examinatorul medical. E morbid. Este exhumat. El a fost incinerat. El s-a reincarnat. Este nemuritor imortal. El este viu. Ea a existat. Aparea : Se apare. Disparea : El dispare.

Pieri : piere.


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El a pierit. E imortalizat. E imortal. A suscitat. Mumifica : E mumificat. Hemofilul, hemofilia. Paronichia la deget. Barbia chin. Este vascular. Este cardiac. Deveni : Devin vechi. Am devenit. Umecta : a umectat. Buletin meteorologic. Prevedea Prognostica : Meteorologul prevede vremea. E temporar. Este cald. Mi-e cald. Mi-e frig. Este soare. M-a orbit. Ziua a lucit. E lunar. E solar. E ceresc. E planetar.

E universal. Golul vidul. E fulgerat. E ploios. E fulgurant. Ninge : Ninge. E furtuna orajul, Vijelia. E furtunos. E noroios. Bubui : bubuie. Tunetul a bubuit. Bruma negura. E o lcalmie. Aluneca : Alunec pe. Am alunecat. Se face polei: E cu polei. O avarie. Cerul e senin. E noros. Timpul este instabil. E variabil. E invariabil. Trei grade. Minus patru grade. Gradua : E graduat. E gradual.

Gerui : E Geruit. E glacial. E uscat. E umed. Evapora : E evaporat. Their neo-classical poses and search for glory may well have appealed to John Mill. There is no evidence that Mill thought before the second half of the s of writing a history of the Revolution. Moreover, his encounter with Carlyle, whom he first met in September , may also have affected his intent as it became clearer that Carlyle was becoming set on writing a history himself.

He was proposing Carlyle would do the great artistic history, while he could do only the analytical. He may well not have had the time for it. Moreover, his growing attraction to French historical speculation was leading him steadily away from any such specific task. From the summer of , he steadily despatched books from his own library and procured fresh materials for Carlyle. And, although he continued to reflect and comment on the Revolution from time to time, it was clear, long before Carlyle was in print, that Mill had abandoned even the glimmering of his former project.

In this connection, Dulaure had been a transitional figure, useful to Mill like Sismondi principally for furnishing materials with which to challenge the romanticized version of the past. Not only were the Middle Ages brutal and strife-ridden, Mill concluded, but their feudal survivals in the eighteenth century were preposterous.

They observed but were not embarrassed by the break between the liberal phase of the Revolution and the Terror. They accepted the challenge of the counter-revolution head-on. In Thiers and Mignet appeared in Paris from the south. They were just twenty-four; the liberal opposition was warming up. But reaching for a wider audience, he, like Thiers, determined to write the history of the Revolution.

His two volumes were published in May , offering in a single instalment the whole of the version Thiers served up at greater length over five years. It was less narrative than exposition, an analysis of a great event that worked itself out as it had to. After collecting materials for two years, Mignet had written his book rapidly in November-December Mill gave so much space to illustrative extracts that one has the feeling he had little to say.

He made no comment on the uncritical handling of sources; or upon the use Mignet made of oral evidence; or upon the role of individuals within the controlling conditions of fatalisme historique. And he did not mention the Edition: current; Page: [ xlii ] conception of class struggle as a motor force. The result was a short, schoolmasterly reprimand, separating the faux brillants from the vrais. Philosophical history as practised by the opposition literati under the Bourbon monarchy had become an historiographical artifact.

But perhaps Mill had caught something of the limitation Taine perceived thirty-five years later. When Mignet arrived in Paris, the battle over romanticism was at its height, with Walter Scott at its centre. Mignet waited a year before making a statement, but the popular verdict was in: the reading public was entranced.

The earliest was Augustin Thierry, former secretary to Saint-Simon, a journalist, not yet the historian of the Norman Conquest, not quite so cautious as he would be later on. Reflection brought reserve. He had shown them something essential; his reputation and influence remained greater with them than with English historians. Mill was familiar with the French reception of Scott. His own experience did not predispose him to share it. Romance is always dangerous, but when romance assumes the garb of history, it is doubly pernicious.

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The review constitutes the nearest thing to a fully developed statement about the Revolution Mill ever set down. It was also a blistering attack on Scott. His pre-Revolutionary chapters were prejudiced and misleading; what followed was worse. His skilfully told story, doubtless sincerely intended, manipulated the facts in the cause of a theory that was not true. As an unprecedented manifestation of popular will, it could not be judged by ordinary rules.

Where Scott saw ambitious men seeking office, Mill saw patriots seeking liberty. Where Scott proposed the perverse nature of the lower orders running amok, Mill saw ordinary men driven to excess by injustice and oppression. Where Scott saw vicious, irreligious philosophes undermining society, Mill saw benefactors of mankind. It was the liberal version of the early Revolution, stopping short of the Jacobin period that Mill found distasteful. But it was Edition: current; Page: [ xlvi ] significant that he did not push on beyond the early years.

If Scott had a didactic purpose, Mill had nothing less. But he must be read in the context of an entrenched conservative historiography, deep-seated national prejudice against the French, and of course the struggle for reform of the House of Commons. He himself acknowledged some part of its limitation.

Perhaps Mill would, some years after he wrote his devastating review, have been more inclined to grant as much. His own views about the depths and poetry of history were changing. But he never found the words. Mill believed that the huge sales Scott enjoyed had a harmful effect on the public mind. But he also knew that Scott had made an important contribution to the Edition: current; Page: [ xlvii ] revival of written history, that he was dealing with not merely a pillar of the Tory establishment but a formidable man of letters.

In taking on the work of Alison, however, he was jousting with a writer of more ordinary talents, if also of great industry, whose account of the Revolution was also Tory propaganda. What ultimately justified taking notice of such a study was, again, the immense sales Alison had both at home and, in translation, abroad. Of the whole multi-volume History of Europe from the Commencement of the French Revolution to the Restoration of the Bourbons, more than half a million copies were sold before his death, though at the time Mill could hardly have foreseen it would have such success.

A native of Shropshire who had early moved to Edinburgh where he took up the law, Alison became an advocate-deputy for Scotland, wrote books on the criminal law, and was eventually appointed sheriff of Lanarkshire. By the time he visited France in , his conservative views were fixed. He was a believer in the institution of slavery, and later a strong supporter of the American Confederacy. The passion for innovation which had for many years overspread the nation, the vague ideas afloat in the public mind, the facility with which Government entered into these views—all these had awakened gloomy presentiments in my mind.

Mill knew what to Edition: current; Page: [ xlviii ] expect. He wished to pillory the errors, bias, and flaccid lack of philosophy he found in Alison. He wished also to discuss his own conception of history. It is a thing utterly unknown to the English and ought to be known. Speak of it what you know. If Alison prove stupid dismiss him the sooner, but tell your own story freely without fear or favour. Mill was eager to take on both Whig and Tory. Having read Alison, he wrote again:. I think beyond anybody who has attempted to write elaborately on the subject.

He has no research; the references with which he loads his margin are chiefly to compilations. Mill could not see how to strike the larger target behind Alison. Now he was no longer interested in doing that. Neither Alison nor his work justified presentation of what Mill had once thought he had to say about the Revolution as a result of his exacting scrutiny of the published sources, and in the light of his Radical beliefs. As a Tory, Mill noted, Alison might be expected to disapprove of his actors; instead he offered only indiscriminately charitable judgments.

If he honestly revealed his sources, their poverty betrayed his slight reading. But, as Mill pointed out, if that were all he himself had to say, his article might end. This was as close as he got, on this occasion, to assailing Macaulay directly. They would not see that it was the French crown and its advisers that had abandoned peaceful means. Naturally it did nothing to give Alison pause: if it led him to fatten up his bibliographical prefaces, it by no means discouraged him from pursuing his narrative. He continued to revise his work, which had an immense success as a detailed history of the Revolution in its wider setting.

It was translated into many languages and became the best-selling such work for much of the century in England and North America. My fingers have often itched to be at him. His Edition: current; Page: [ li ] reaction told something about his own scholarship. I am rather fitted to be a logical expounder than an artist. You I look upon as an artist, and perhaps the only genuine one now living in this country: the highest destiny of all, lies in that direction; for it is the artist alone in whose hands Truth becomes impressive, and a living principle of action.

For more than four years they discussed the work, Mill advising and then responding to the steady importuning, Carlyle communicating something of the gestation throes foretelling the strange and awful work he found welling up in him. Ach Gott! On March 6 Mill brought the terrible news of its accidental burning. I mean, that the common English mode of writing has to do with what I call hearsays of things; and the great business for me, in which alone I feel any comfort, is recording the presence, bodily concrete coloured presence of things;—for which the Nominative-and-verb, as I find it Here and Now, refuses to stand me in due stead.

Mill was anxious to publish a review before the book appeared. I am afraid this is a very general opinion, though I grieve it should be so. The book and the review appeared in July He took the offensive from high ground: the book was unprecedented and must be judged accordingly. Hume and Gibbon compared unfavourably with Carlyle in this regard. Mill quoted large extracts to illustrate the poetry and power of the narrative. His criticisms were gently put: Carlyle was too light on theory. Indeed, beyond the fundamental agreement between them on the decrepitude of the old order and the virtue of the early Revolutionaries, it is difficult to see what Mill and Carlyle had in common.

Mill, of course, had been fully warned of what Carlyle had had in mind, and had wholeheartedly abetted the enterprise. If the Girondins were less than favourably treated, there was enough philosophy rumbling beneath the vibrant surface of events to redeem such a lapse. Moreover, he had done what Mill was convinced he himself could not do: he had created a work of art.

He had said much the same thing in a more aggressive manner to R. The political void Carlyle envisioned at the centre of the experience Mill detected in the July Days, as the aftermath revealed the incapacity or self-interest of those who superseded the Bourbon monarchy. He had been excited by the lively press wars of the late s. Neither direct censorship nor regulatory measures weakened its independence. French journals were numerous, variegated, and vigorous. How much Mill knew of the close manoeuvring in this long contest that had gone on from the time of his first visit to France can only be surmised.

But with the installation of Polignac, both King and minister were daily vilified in the opposition sheets. Mill, who followed the press, was approving. For him it was both a fulfilment and the beginning of a long disenchantment. Mill expected too much. He carried with him an idealized vision of revolution founded on his reading of , too limited a knowledge of the persons and forces in play in France, and a strong sense of his personal goals at the time. He was unprepared for the sharp political game that replaced one monarch with another and brought about a large-scale administrative shuffle, but produced no serious social change.

At the time, Mill barely sensed what was happening. Such a reading could have no happy confirmation. Of the revolution outside the capital, of ongoing disturbances among the peasantry, of the struggle for traditional rights in the collision between rural capitalism and the community, Mill made almost no mention. His angle of vision remained political.

When the Lyon silkweavers rose in revolt on November, , however, he was sympathetic. General Lamarque, a Bonapartist and friend of La Fayette, the capital was placed in a state of siege. It has assumed the power of dispensing with the laws and the courts of justice. The most formidable force Louis Philippe had to face was the amorphous republican movement, a bewildering variety of men and ideas, each with historical antecedents, loosely grouped around the notion of popular sovereignty and universal suffrage, but divided on means.

Legislation against unauthorized associations struck at their organizations, but they grouped and regrouped to escape its severities. The sympathetic press and its journalists endured incessant prosecutions for their attacks on the ministry and vilification of the crown.

Introduction

When juries failed to uphold the state in eighty percent of the cases brought against a single newspaper, the Tribune of Armand Marrast, the chambers voted for a law that would bring such prosecutions before correctional tribunals. The Lyon silk workers had struck in February; on April there took place the terrible street battle between them and the army for control of the city, in which some three hundred soldiers and workers were killed. Though the arrest of leaders led to attempts to abort the rising, a clash took place and the insurgents were crushed by the army in a barbarous exercise of brutality and mutilation, the most celebrated Edition: current; Page: [ lxi ] episode of which was the horrifying slaughter of the inhabitants of a house at 12 rue Transnonain.

It was designed to destroy the republican and insurrectional movements, and its size underlined the apparent magnitude of the opposition from the left. Its proceedings were marked by tumult, citation of some of the defence lawyers for contempt of court, and the escape of twenty-eight of the principal accused.

He seized the occasion to deliver still another lesson to Whigs and Tories on the meaning of the great events from to the fall of Robespierre, and to clear the Revolution save for the Babeuf episode of this same charge. Public sympathy fell away. What a curious page all this is in the history of the French revolution.

All the educated youth are becoming mere venal commodities. Armand Carrel, with Thiers and Mignet, had founded the National in January , intending to destroy not only the Polignac ministry but the Bourbon monarchy as well. Being historians, they developed the parallel between their France and England on the eve of Thiers had Edition: current; Page: [ lxiii ] promptly moved into politics; Mignet retired to scholarship and the archives, leaving Carrel, the most effervescent and brilliant of them, at the National.

Carrel had given proof of unorthodoxy in when, though an army officer, he had rashly associated with Carbonari conspirators. He had resigned his commission in to join a foreign legion helping the Spanish rebels against Ferdinand VII, and thus soon found himself in a war on the opposite side from the French army that had been sent down to put the King back on his throne. For this he was three times court-martialled, escaping with his life only on a legal technicality. He was, however, a political journalist, and he was independent. And he served notice that he was still a democrat.

He attacked the authorities and was repeatedly prosecuted. Juries would not convict him. The government was determined to drive the opposition press out of existence by police harassment, arrests, trials, imprisonments, and fines. He communicated the immensely favourable impression he got to Carlyle, and was to incorporate his immediate reactions in his article four years later Carrel had accepted republicanism, but he was a moderate, no Edition: current; Page: [ lxv ] revolutionist; he had no use for utopian activists. The prison experience was sinister and embittering, he was personally threatened, and he had no affinity for the rough sort of man.

What attracted Mill to Carrel is easy to see. Carrel was cut off early by misadventure in a duel. The journalist Emile de Girardin brought out a cheap daily, La Presse, which he hoped to sustain by advertising on English lines. When Girardin threatened to back this up with proofs.

Carrel believed he was being threatened with revelations about his private life. The quarrel could not be resolved and Carrel issued his challenge, which led to a fatal encounter in the Bois de Vincennes on 22 July, And to die as a fool dieth! Ripened by years and favoured by opportunity, he might have been the Mirabeau or the Washington of his age, or both in one. For this there really was no evidence, and others saw him more clearly. As review and commentary, the article was unusually emotional and lyrical. I never admired any man as I did Carrel; he was to my mind the type of a philosophic radical man of action in this epoch.

He made of Carrel everything that a young liberal should be, even to coming round at the end to reflect a touch of the English radical.

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He had almost produced an example of that croisement des races he believed would be to the benefit of both peoples. Another historian, for whom Thierry also paved the way, showed how uncertainly focused this romantic impulse was. Like Thierry, Jules Michelet wrote history to shape the present and future.

Our forefathers were the artisans who established the Edition: current; Page: [ lxviii ] communes of the Middle Ages and who first conceived freedom as we understand it today. But it is not sure that this was so for Michelet. He was to become the greatest of the philosophical and romantic historians. His origins and his trajectory were almost entirely different from theirs.

He had read enormously in literature and philosophy, the classics and contemporary authors, French, English, and German. He read Herder, he ever after claimed Vico as his master. Like the Saint-Simonians, he was in search of a system that would explain the meaning of human experience, and his chosen field finally was history. The most important post he held was as chef de la section historique in the Archives du Royaume later Archives Nationales from the autumn of until Though he had also written earlier on the history of France, from then on his broad concerns in history were narrowed down to the history of his own country.

The result was the first six volumes of his Histoire de France, from the beginnings to the end of the Middle Ages, published between and He believed that a great age of historiography was opening up; he was at the very centre of the collective historical enterprise sponsored by Guizot and supported by the state. Increasingly he came to regard France as the heart of the European experience and himself as the chosen historian of her past. Unlike his contemporaries, Michelet could not have claimed as his Revolution.

While they were helping to topple the Bourbon monarchy, he was giving his courses. But reflection on the July Days led him to accept the legend of a spontaneous uprising with only one collective, nameless hero: the people. If the Trois Glorieuses later assumed in his mind an importance and an impact they had not had at the time, still reflection on them helped him to see the underlying theme of the national history he determined to write, the materials for which surrounded him at the Archives.

Thus it was not surprising that, in the growing tension of the winter of , Michelet should have been seen as a prophet of some great popular disturbance. Mill was well aware of him. He had done this for Rome, where Niebuhr had been silent. Mill admitted that he was more concerned to publicize Michelet than to criticize him Anthony Panizzi had given him a critical review the previous year.

Mill had written Michelet to ask whether there was anything he would care to have communicated to the British public, but there appears to have been no reply. Mill saw his great strengths and at least suspected his weakness. After this review in , Mill wrote nothing further of Michelet. Sponsored by Guizot, approved by Carrel, Michelet had seemed early on to be in sympathy with their views. His purposes, however, became increasingly nationalist, his vision narrowed, his mystic sense of himself embodying the past dithyrambic.

What preoccupied him had little to do with the progress of civilization that concerned Mill. The originality and talent that he had recognized thirty years before in this review were clear. But there was in Michelet and his work a cast of mind profoundly antipathetical to Mill. They could hardly have been more different. Though they had in common their commitment to written history as having a social purpose, their purposes were diametrically opposed. Mill thought the framework he had established, showing the interplay of ideas and institutions, weighing the influence of Roman, Germanic, and Christian factors in European civilization, would endure.

He seems to have discovered the historian, as distinct from the politician, about The first discussion of him was so infused with political comment that the exceptional historian Mill was shortly to proclaim was not easily recognized. His politics then appeared to be less of an issue. Through the later s Mill transferred much of his former disapproval of Guizot to his fellow historian and political rival, Thiers.

If Guizot knew of his caustic commentaries, he chose to overlook them. I confounded the prudence of a wise man who lets some of his Edition: current; Page: [ lxxiv ] maxims go to sleep while the time is unpropitious for asserting them, with the laxity of principle which resigns them for personal advancement.

This extraordinary disavowal of his previous observations was not to be the last word. I do not know whether to wish or to deprecate [the possibility of] his being thrown out of it. Ten years before he had commissioned the Rev. Joseph Blanco White to review the lectures.

He had had harsh words for Guizot:. In the capacity of a tool of this system, though we believe him to be greatly more sincere than most of the other tools, we have nothing to say for M. But in the more honourable character which he had earned for himself as a professor and as a literary man, before practical politics assailed him with their temptations and their corrupting influences, he deserves to be regarded with very different feelings.

The puzzle was that, though deeply attached to his principles, he supported institutions that repressed them; he knew the dangers of power, but did nothing to save himself from them. Not quite a decade later, his long essay was free of censure of the politician. Mill could then get on with the business of publicizing Guizot as the most significant historian of the age.

It was high time: the printed lectures being discussed were first delivered almost a generation before. Thus he had been able in the early essays to tell more about the fall of Rome than had Gibbon. The mark of Europe had always been complexity and competition. The spirit of liberty emerged not from the ancient world but from the barbarian invaders and was borne through the centuries by the struggles of the middle class.

This he thought unconvincing; he probably disliked its political implications. The essays and lectures appeared to be dispassionate, founded on immense reading, an explanation to a middle-class generation asking in the aftermath of an unprecedented cultural and political upheaval who they were and where they came from. Mill noted certain exaggerations; he put them down to the necessities of the lecture. He, too, believed that history had a rational structure and so would yield to rational inquiry. He, too, believed that the history of Europe was the history of universal principles working their way through a variety of circumstances.

Both of them believed in the phenomenon of the great man who affects the course of history in the service of the tendency of his time, who embodies the dominant principles of the age. In opposition, deprived of his teaching post by the University, he had been inclined to minimize the latitude left to individuals. Possibly the fact that the lectures were incomplete, that the treacherous passages of modern history were not negotiated, averted more serious disagreement between Mill and Guizot.

What Mill was evidently reluctant to concede—and how could it be proved true? Il est bien difficile que pour M. In Mill, the reformer and the amateur of history were sometimes at odds. Guizot felt no such tension: the nineteenth century was the heir of a long struggle; the juste milieu must hold firm against careless new men and upstart ideologies. Thus Mill wished always to separate the politician from the historian, save for the moment around when, suppressing his previous criticisms, he achieved an unstable rationalization of his doubts about the man.

In this way he kept his clear and generous view of the historian. Mill had many contradictory thoughts about Guizot, but there is no reason to think he ever went back on that. As the years passed and his health became indifferent, it was more difficult to sustain the same concern. The young liberals of the Bourbon restoration had dispersed variously to university chairs, archives, the ministerial bench.

Saint-Simonism, imaginative and farsighted, so clear about what had actually happened in , had quickly burnt itself out in sectarianism and scattered, part of it to pursue bizarre eccentricities, part of it powerfully to influence the national economy. Comte, like the Saint-Simonians, had revealed a strong anti-libertarian streak and been dropped. Carrel was dead. With Tocqueville relations were more distant. The press remained vigorous and combative.

Though Marrast had grown more moderate after his period of exile in England, new opposition papers sprang up. The King and his ministers were harried without cease. Mill observed the scene more remotely. He maintained contact with a few friends in France, but he had little to say. The Saint-Simonians believed that amidst the Reform Bill agitation England was about to pull down the last bastions of feudal power and so offer herself to the new teaching.

Without having encouraged their embassy, Mill had been helpful once they arrived and handed them on to people he supposed might hear them out. Mill did not make good his promise of articles on them for the Morning Chronicle. In the trial, which took place on 27 and 28 August, , Duveyrier had a prominent role. Well, have the courage to say so out loud. That is the only way you can defend us. The organization was ordered dissolved.

Duveyrier, however, obtained a pardon through his family, probably, as Mill supposed, by renouncing allegiance to Enfantin. Two books appeared, the first in and the second in He thought such interventionism unwise, though superior to war. He gave no hint of anticipating the trend of international co-operation that was to gather strength through the second half of the century. Mill neither accepted the political quiescence of Duveyrier nor suggested the need for drastic change.

He believed that the problems of representation were similar in England and France, but more sharply defined and more clearly observed in the French context. Neither Duveyrier nor Mill gave the least hint of an upheaval soon to come. Duveyrier argued specifically against the utility of another such event. It would be more than a dozen years before Mill conceded, not just for England Edition: current; Page: [ lxxxiii ] with its tradition of compromise and its history of successful opposition to monarchical absolutism, but for every nation, the rightness of working for improvement within the prevailing arrangements.

He gave no hint of thinking that France would profit from a renewal of the experience. The remarks were puzzling. Mill made no allusion to the serious depression of an immense fall in French production, large-scale unemployment, a substantial part of the swollen population in the capital on relief, great rural distress and unrest. Mill of course was by no means exceptional in apprehending no general crisis; others closer to the scene than he were hardly less unaware.

He had never looked very far past the political scene in the capital. Thus he missed the profound movement that was taking place in the country. He followed the press to some extent, a steady diet of scandal and complaint, an endless skirmishing between the government and the opposition. There is no evidence that he noted the near-unity of the varieties of opposition in the banquet campaign as a possible signal that a trial of strength was at hand.