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In particular, there is little material here concerning George's two New York City mayoral campaigns and To complete the records of George's intellectual and political ideas and activity, as well as the passionate response both pro and con he evoked, it is necessary to consult the full body of published work by and about him. For details of these holdings consult the two bibliographies cited below.

Six series: I. Correspondence, ; II. Writings and Notes, , n. Diaries and Memoranda, ; IV. Family Papers, ; V. Visual Materials and Oversize Items.

St. Patrick’s Day Remembering the Land League

General correspondence includes incoming and outgoing correspondence of Henry George on family, political, and business matters. There are also many letters to and from Henry George's parents and other relatives. Early correspondence concerns his sea voyage and his life and work in California. The bulk of the series chronicles his relations with political associates in the Single Tax and Irish nationalist movements in America and Europe.

There is also extensive correspondence with editors and publishers concerning his journalistic work and other writing projects. A letterbook of contains copies of letters relating to his work for the San Francisco Herald and his dealings with the Associated Press. Four letterbooks of consist mostly of letters written from Britain to Patrick Ford, editor of the New York Irish World; these give detailed assessments of the policies and actions of Charles Stewart Parnell, Michael Davitt, and other leaders of the Irish Land League, as well as reports of his lectures and meetings with English and Scottish sympathizers.

  1. Iontronics: Ionic Carriers in Organic Electronic Materials and Devices.
  2. Fino allinizio (Narrativa) (Italian Edition).
  4. Michael Davitt.
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Shaw, August Lewis, Tom L. Johnson, Louis F. Post, Thomas G. Shearman, and Dr. Edward R. Taylor, a California friend. Among the notable British correspondents are H. Hyndman, Helen Taylor, J. Joynes, F. Walker of Birmingham. Smaller subseries include a scrapbook of letters related to a testimonial dinner in ; correspondence of Father Thomas Dawson, an Irish priest and longtime family friend, consisting chiefly of transcripts of George's letters to Dawson in the Brotherton Library, Leeds; and documentation of the tangled litigation arising from a legacy of George Hutchins of Ancora, New Jersey to Henry George.

Included are manuscript and some typescript notes, drafts, and finished texts of articles, lectures, and occasional writings. There is a selection of Henry George's early writing as a California journalist and reformer, an extensive group of essays and lectures and one interview from his British tours of the s, and a smaller number of items on the theory of the single tax and his involvements in American party politics and the labor movement. His major published work is represented here by the full autograph manuscript of Progress and Poverty publ. The famous lecture, "Moses," is represented in drafts, galleys, and a printed copy.

Among the essays are studies of Abraham Lincoln, J. Mill, James Garfield, and Michael Davitt, several accounts of his travels and brief imprisonment in Ireland in , and an explanation of his support for the Democrats in There are also several folders and one notebook of rough notes and extracts. The diaries and notebooks cover with some gaps Henry George's life from the age of sixteen until the year before his death.

The earliest volumes are accounts of his sea voyage in , illustrated with rough sketches.

Henry George - Wikipedia

Volumes for the s and 70s include family news, details of his work for California newspapers, and financial notations reflecting his desperate struggle to support his wife and young children. The s diaries are largely devoted to his efforts to build the Single Tax movement in America and Britain, and include details of his lecture schedules and names and addresses of political contacts.

The s are dominated by American politics, George's editorial work on the Standard , and his dealings with New York publishers. There are no volumes of and , the years of his New York mayoral campaigns. Henry George, Jr. A lengthy series from details the bitter split in the ranks of Single Taxers which developed while Henry George was touring Britain. After , the correspondence, writings, and notes are mostly related to Henry George Jr. Among the reminiscences solicited from old friends and colleagues of Henry George is a good deal of material not used in the published Life.

There is a folder of condolence letters on the death of Annie George , and many letters to and from Hamlin Garland concerning plans for an anniversary banquet in A small group of papers relating to other family members includes genealogical material, Henry George's marriage certificate, and a folder of papers of Anna George de Mille chiefly concerned with her research on a biography of her father and her efforts to gather and preserve papers relating to him.

This series contains material providing background information on Henry George's life, career, and influence - much of it written by others. Included are a manuscript account of his sea voyage to Australia and India by Samuel Miller , dispatch code books used in his journalist work, financial records, phrenological charts and a doctor's report, obituaries and other memorials, articles by colleagues in the Single Tax movement, and some items illustrating the history of the movement after George's death.

A small group of books and pamphlets includes several works by Henry George, attacks on his theories, an 18th century tract on the land tax, and memoirs by Anna George de Mille. Among the ephemera are Henry George autographs clipped from letters, blank forms and stationery, miscellaneous cards and circulars, campaign ribbons and other souvenirs. With Dr. Peterson's notes on Henry George's attack of motor aphasia, December January Included are daguerreotypes, ambrotypes, photographs, and prints depicting Henry George at all stages of his life, beginning in the s, as well as formal and candid portraits of family members, friends, colleagues, and homes associated with the George family.

There is also a group of photostats of political cartoons featuring Henry George and a set of printed plates of the illustrations to Henry George, Jr. E Contact. D Digitized. Henry George papers. Request access to this collection. Portions of this collection have been digitized and are available online. Scope and arrangement Taken as a whole this collection provides rich documentation of nearly every phase of Henry George's life and career.

Arrangement Six series: I. Administrative information Processing information Gail Malmgreen, Access to materials Advance notice required. Series I: Correspondence. General Correspondence. Letterpress copybooks. Father Thomas Dawson. Correspondence and documents concerning litigation over the will of George Hutchins. Series II: Writings and Notes. Editorials on John Stuart Mill and Chinese immigration. Oakland Daily Transcript. Editorial in the San Francisco Evening Post of.

Speech made during presidential campaign of. Letter re Smith's communications to S. Notes for Progress and Poverty. Lecture notes, Britain. Notes and extracts re: Britain. Lecture notes and text: "Malthusian Theory". Article: "Garfield or Hancock? Unidentified lectures. Report prepared for A. Lecture to Ladies Prisoners Aid Society.

Lecture on the Irish land question: Dublin Rotunda. Interview on Irish nationalist politics. Extract from Social Problems. Lecture notes: Brooklyn Revenue Reform Club. Lecture at Midland Institute, Birmingham. On post-election politics in America. Letter to the Conference of Labor Associations.

On rent and land tenure [by H. Letter to the Standard , from Newcastle. Henry George's critique of T. Walker, with Walker's reply. Letter from Australia unsent. Two resolutions on taxation N. State [by H. Part of unidentified book ms. On his support for the Democratic Party. Central Labor Union".

Lecture to British audience on ethics, poverty, and land reform. On his efforts to enlist in the war in Mexico.

Henry George's Land Value Taxation Explained in Five Minutes

Lecture: On the American Republic. Fragment: "Practical Political Economy". One of the most important elements to the rise-of Henry George to international prominence in the s wasiiis-successful cultivation of a large Irish-American following. This was no small accomplishment, given the fact that George was not Irish Catholic, but rather English-American Protestant. Nonetheless, through his early interest in Ireland's troubles, marriage to Irish Catholic Annie McCloskey Fox, friendship with Patrick Ford and Michael Davitt, activism in the Irish Land League, travels through Ireland during the Land War as a correspondent for the Irish World, and linking the struggle of Irish peasants against economic injustice to a similar struggle of American workers, George developed an enormous Irish-Amer- ican following.

This relationship accounted for much of the early sales of Progress and Poverty and subsequent lecture opportunities, as well as mak- ing him known widely throughout the British Isles. The culmination of this phenomenon was George's sensational run for mayor of New York City in Formally educated only to age 14, he nonetheless published in a book that went on to become the century's best-selling work of political economy.

Archives & Manuscripts

Progress and Poverty. He has published articles on Henry George, the Irish-American experience, and labor history in journals such as the Journal of Urban History and numerous anthologies. American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Vol. His conclusion—that land monopoly was to blame and that a "single tax" on land values was the solution—drew the attention of economists, labor leaders, politicians, reformers, and the general public in both America and Europe, In , at the height of his fame, he ran and nearly won as a Labor party candidate for mayor of New York, Yet George's eventual emergence as a public figure obscures the fact that in it appeared that few people might ever read his book.

For months after its publication, George waited in vain for significant recog- nition. Undaunted, he made a momentous decision in mid to move from San Francisco to New York City in search of a larger stage from which to promote his radical reform agenda. There, in the communications, pub- lishing, and media nexus of the nation, George believed Progress andPov- erfy would reach a larger audience. His intuition proved correct, and within two years of his arrival in New York, he was an international figure. But the city itself was not the only critical factor that accounts for his rise.

Of even greater significance was his cultivation of a large Irish-American fol- lowing,' By all measures, the task of ingratiating himself to an Irish-American audience would seem daunting, if not impossible. After all, as an English- American Evangelical Protestant reformer from San Francisco and an out- spoken advocate of free trade which the Irish viewed as pro-British , he seemed to have more in common with the Reverend Henry Ward Beecher than with Tammany Hall "boss" John Kelly, Generally such personal char- acteristics garnered a public figure derision and scorn from Irish-Americans, not a mass following.

What then, occurred in George's early years in New York to account for the fact that he managed to attract such wide support among Irish-Americans? First, long before ever moving to New York City, George demonstrated an interest in the problems that plagued Ireland, In , for example, George served as acting editor for a small Catholic weekly. Predictably, he concluded that Ireland and much of the world suffered from land monopoly and required radical reform. He called for the abolition of landlordism and its attendant inequality, crushing rents, and evictions. In so doing, he expressed the central demands of an emerg- ing nationalist movement in Ireland and the United States known as the Land League.

Aware of his potential to reach a sympathetic Irish-American audience, George soon sent 25 copies of Progress and Poverty to a friend in New York to distribute "to the radicals or the leaders of the Irish move- ment" residing there. Ford, the founder and editor of the Irish World, the largest- selling Irish-American paper in the Gilded Age, was one of the most influ- ential Irish-Americans of the day.

An emigrant from Ireland during the Great Famine, he expressed an interest in radical political thought at an early age. Quite likely this interest stemmed from one of his first jobs: working as a printer's assistant in the offices of William Lloyd Garrison's The Liberator, the leading national organ of radical abolitionism. After service in the Union Army and a brief postwar stint in the South, Ford settled in New York City, where he founded his paper in Native-bom Protestants attributed this to narrow-minded Catholicism.

Henry George

In reality, the lack of reformist zeal on the part of Irish-Amer- icans came from their observation that the reformers in the s and s invariably were also anti-Catholic, anti-Irish bigots. In the s, the di- minishing though not disappearance of anti-Irish hostility and the onset of a severe depression resulted in a growing interest in pro- gressive causes among Irish-Americans. Significantly, the causes that at- tracted them centered not on traditional areas of genteel reform e.

Not surprisingly, his brand of Irish nationalism reflected his social views. Like George, he advocated both Irish independence and a radical transformation of Irish society. To emphasize this range of concerns be- yond parochial Irish or Catholic issues. He gave it a favorable review in his newspaper, and soon thereafter he republished George's "Irish Land Question" essay from the Sacramento Bee? Aware of this influential figure and his positive disposition to his ideas, George called on Ford immediately after arriving in New York in the fall of They soon grew to be good friends who consulted and corre- sponded with each other frequently.

George found Ford an inspiration— "He is not a politician but a single hearted devotee to principle" and "with- out exception, the most modest man I ever knew. More than any single person. Ford deserves credit for placing the ideas of Henry George before the widest possible audience of Irish-Americans. The tim- ing of George's publication of Progress and Poverty and his move to New York City coincided with an explosion of Irish nationalist activity, both in Ireland and in America. A number of factors, not the least of which was the agricultural distress gripping the Irish countryside, had combined to bring together three factions of Irish nationalism: Clan na Gael, led by John Devoy, which sought Ireland's complete independence by any means including armed insurrection ; the Home Rulers, under Charles Stewart Pamell, who sought through peaceful constitutional means home rule for Ireland as a first step toward full independence ; and a group of progressive nationalists headed by Michael Davitt, who sought, in addition to Irish independence, far-reaching social and economic change, especially land reform.

This movement, known as the Land League , spread throughout Ireland and America. Land monopoly, he argued, threatened all nations, not just the United States, and the Irish Land League movement appeared poised to eliminate it. Success in Ireland would strengthen George's attempts to redress economic and social problems in America.

By this time, Irish nationalists active in the emerging Land League move- ment in America took notice of George and sought him out as a speaker. Typical was the letter of James Murphy, who invited him to speak before his Land League chapter because "a number of the members [have] read your lectures and [know] of your hearty interest in the Land League. Spring of found him traveling through New England, Canada, and upstate New York, drumming up support and raising funds for the league.

Just months after their meeting. Ford introduced George to Michael Davitt, who was then on a fundraising mission to the United States. Bom into a poor family in County Mayo, Ireland, in , Davitt became a na- tionalist at a young age, joining the Fenians and playing a leading role in their ill-fated uprising of After seven years in prison, Davitt rejoined the nationalist cause. With the birth of the Land League in , he became identified as the head of its progressive faction, which drew its strength from Ireland's masses of poor tenant farmers. Like Henry George and Pat- rick Ford in America, he advocated sweeping social reform, especially land reform, in addition to independence from Great Britain.

He took a copy of Progress and Poverty with him and agreed to promote the book in Ireland. Soon after returning to Ireland, Davitt, Pamell, and other leaders of the Land League were arrested and thrown in jail. There Davitt read and reread George's book. In response, Davitt said, Mr. George, though not an Irishman, has gone to Ireland to help the Irish people. I am, therefore, not going to repudiate a personal friend and a warm and generous- hearted American because the political wisdom of some of my critics declares I have fallen into his hands.

Although Davitt gradually retreated from his call for land nationalization, his initial embrace of it in lent legitimacy to George's ideas and brought the political economist's name before still more Irish-Americans. George broadened his following among the Irish through an opportunity presented to him in the fall of Realizing George's growing popularity among Irish-Americans as well as his personal interest in the application of his ideas to the Irish context, Ford offered to send him to Ireland to cover the Land League agitation for the Irish World.

George was elated by the proposal. From the fall of to the fall of , the Irish World carried George's vivid descriptions of landlord abuses, evictions, and gen- eral economic inequality in Ireland. The following passage from one of his first dispatches, in December , illustrates well the tone and force of those that followed: Imagine a government. Imagine all constitutional rights suspended, and the whole country at the mercy of an absolute dictatorship, backed by fifty-thousand bayonets in the hands of foreign troops—a dictatorship for which nothing is too arbitrary and nothing too mean.

Imag- ine elected rriembers of the highest legislative body, the trusted leaders of a political party that embraces nine-tenths of the people, lying in jail, and treated with indignities to which convicted felons in civilized countries are not subjected. Imagine the most respected and public-spirited men in their respective localities dragged off daily to prison, without charge or inquiry, upon lettres de cachel issued by a governmental underling at the suggestion of some landlord or police i n s p e c t o r.

Let any Amer- ican, if he can, imagine a country such as this, and he will get some idea of the condition of Ireland to-day. It is a reign of terror. Ford later referred to these dispatches as being "among the most brilliant of the contributions to the Irish political literature of those times. He also took the opportunity to meet Pamell and other Land League officials then in prison. After being released a second time, George handed out copies of The Irish land Ques- tion to his arresting officers and the magistrate.

The arrests put him in the same company with Pamell, Davitt, and other incarcerated Land League leaders and provoked outrage not only among Irish-Americans, but from the U. More important, he established a crucial tie between him- self and the Catholicism that for many Irish lay at the heart of their cultural identity. They would raise their four children in the Catholic faith. Annie George's sister, Theresa, joined the Sisters of Charity and cor- responded regularly with George after they met in Beyond ques- tion, however, the most significant event in the process, came from George's befriending of The Reverend Edward McGlynn, the "radical priest.

Ste- phen's parish, the largest and poorest in New York City. Long before George's arrival in New York, McGlynn enjoyed a reputation as both a tireless advocate of the poor and an independent priest who sometimes defied the directives of his archbishop. This gained him the undying ad- miration of his parishioners, who called him their soggarth aroon "pre- cious priest" and placed him under the watchful eye of the conservative hierarchy.

I felt that, no matter how much I might give them, even though t reserved nothing for myself, even though I involved myself hopelessly in debt, I could accom- plish nothing. I began to ask myself, "Is there no remedy? Is this God's order that the poor shall be constantly becoming poorer in all our large cities, the world over?

In McGlynn re- ceived a copy as a gift from a friend who knew of the priest's progressive views. To McGlynn the work appealed to him as "a poem of philosophy, a prophesy and a prayer. Like George, he became active in the American Land League and soon was a popular speaker, constantly promoting George's and Ford's progressive nationalist agenda. In the fall of , Henry George retumed to America an intemationally renowned figure. He quickly established contact with McGlynn, and the two took an instant liking to each other.

  1. ‘Progress and Poverty’ – Henry George and Land Reform in modern Ireland.
  2. Have discipline, live your life?
  3. Biographical/historical information.

As a priest, McGlynn proved vital to George by making clear in the eyes of many Irish- Americans that he was not a typical Anglo-Protestant reformer i. Unfortunately, McGIynn did not fare as well. Be- cause he openly supported George's bid for mayor of New York City, he was subsequently suspended from his priestly duties and later excom- municated from the Church altogether although he was reinstated five years later. Overwhelmingly, George derived his support from the poor, wage-earning Irish most buf- feted by the Industrial Revolution, Consistently George and those who came to share his views argued that the struggle for economic and social justice in Ireland was the same as that taking place in the United States, As George articulated in Progress and Poverty, America no longer enjoyed unique social and economic relations that rendered it immune to the forces of land monopoly.

Why, it concerns every country, and none more so than America, whose wealth and lands are rapidly falling into the hands of a few men. McGuire, concurred. He offered his listeners specific examples of "landlordism" in America: It is no longer an Irish question because it has come into the arena of world affairs.

We [Americans] have known of people driven from their homes at the point of the bayonet. The railroad companies have repeatedly turned out workmen from their homes, and last year in New York City there were 60, evictions.