One Christmas, when I was eight or nine, I was writing my Christmas list. Those were my exact words. Two girls, Brenda and Jacy, wanted a pony. One day, he revealed to his daughters that their neighbor, Mr. Dubbs, was getting a pony for his granddaughter, and was willing to let them ride it. The two were ecstatic! They had a pony! So what that the pony would try everything in his power to throw them off? A few years later, they were becoming too big for Blackie.
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So, secretly, Mr. Dubbs bought them each a horse. He merely bought the horses out of the kindness of his heart. Brenda took the palomino, whom she called Maize, while Jacy rode the sorrel. Their father, the pastor, found a way, yet again. Another kind-hearted neighbor lent them his two horses — Dolly, another palomino, and Sparky, a paint.
Brenda had to walk 3 miles to find it again. That was many years ago, but the equine enthusiasm lives on to this day. Nowadays, Brenda still rides, and she is even passing the love of horses on to her own granddaughter, who is herself learning to ride. Despite now owning two quarter horses and competing professionally, Brenda still often pauses to remember how she got here. NOTE: I meant to publish this post last week, but due to some kind of glitch, it was not, and I only realized the mistake today. So enjoy a double serving this week, and things will be back to normal next Saturday.
Happy reading! And if you are in the mood for more animal tidbits, consider reading my other posts from the Weird Fact series. As for cats, did you know that many are lactose-intolerant? So a saucer of milk could lead to — er — the runs. Blackie was the real-life equine who inspired the movie. But enough of that, back to Blackie. This incredible horse survived some of the most desperate fighting of WWI.
Tragically, his owner, Lieutenant Leonard Wall, died from that same shrapnel which exploded out of a German shell. Yet somehow, Blackie pulled through, and even continued fighting. He served until the end of the war. When Blackie arrived home in his old pasture, it was a triumph over the odds. Untold numbers of horses served in WWI, about 8 million of which were slain during the conflict due to wounds, starvation, and disease.
Even after the firing stopped, it was too expensive to ship the horses back to England, so many were sold to European slaughterhouses, where they met a horrible fate. After having lived a full life, Blackie passed at the ripe-old age of Almost 75 years later, in , Blackie finally gets the recognition he deserves — although posthumously. This means that the grave will be preserved for future generations to see. On a side note, what did you think of the movie? Let me know in the comments, because I would love to hear from you!
So, to get your cat running around, you bring out the fake mouse. You feel you did a rather good job and you might even have worked yourself into a sweat. Mittens seems to be rather unimpressed by your antics; or, at best, she was mildly amused to see you flailing about. In either case, she never chased the mouse, never moved a muscle. You give it one last try, and Mittens responds with a bored stare before yawning and walking away to somewhere quieter where she can sleep.
You give up in frustration. This pattern continues for a long time, maybe even years. Over time, you slowly stop playing with your cat. A small voice in the back of your head tells you that you need to play with Mittens more, but when you do, she engages for about 10 seconds at best, and then no more. And fat. Well, there are many reasons why this may be so. I wrote that article back in October, and am now typing this post just before January. To let her chase you, run around in random directions at random speeds.
If she runs at you, run away. If she crouches in a hiding spot, pretend not to see her and walk by cats love ambushing their prey. In short, act like a scared prey animal. A word of caution before we go on: my cat has never hurt me intentionally, but it might be a good idea to wear jeans while you do this. You might also try throwing in some peek-a-boo, hide-and-seek, or even regular cat toys into the playtime mix. Stir up a new combination each time. The goal is to keep it fresh, since this type of cat gets bored easily.
Just as a kitten can help an older cat become re-energized, so you too can get your lazy, fat cat to move again. It was great working with her to bring you this article, which I think all horse-lovers will enjoy. Gayle writes about dogs, cats, horses, and occasionally humans.
Her blog is entertaining and lively. This blog post is essentially a beginners guide to going on a trail ride. When I was 11, I rode in my first trail ride. I was assigned a young, brown-and-white horse named Taboo for the ride, which was to be a group outing. Up until that point, I had ridden exclusively in a fenced arena, so I was nervous, and I think maybe Taboo was also. During a stretch of trail through corn fields, Taboo started cantering without my permission I had…. Many also argue that subsidized monopolies tend to be corrupt and inefficient.
Murray Rothbard argued that all government services, including defense, are inefficient because they lack a market-based pricing mechanism regulated by the voluntary decisions of consumers purchasing services that fulfill their highest-priority needs and by investors seeking the most profitable enterprises to invest in. Furthermore, Linda and Morris Tannehill argue that no coercive monopoly of force can arise on a truly free market and that a government's citizenry can not desert them in favor of a competent protection and defense agency.
Rothbard bases his philosophy on natural law grounds and also provides economic explanations of why he thinks anarcho-capitalism is preferable on pragmatic grounds as well. David D. Friedman says he is not an absolutist rights theorist, but is also "not a utilitarian ". However, he does believe that "utilitarian arguments are usually the best way to defend libertarian views". I define anarchist society as one where there is no legal possibility for coercive aggression against the person or property of any individual. Anarchists oppose the State because it has its very being in such aggression, namely, the expropriation of private property through taxation, the coercive exclusion of other providers of defense service from its territory, and all of the other depredations and coercions that are built upon these twin foci of invasions of individual rights.
Rothbard used the term "anarcho-capitalism" to distinguish his philosophy from anarchism that opposes private property  as well as to distinguish it from other forms of individualist anarchism. While the Friedmanian formulation of anarcho-capitalism is robust to the presence of violence and in fact assumes some degree of violence will occur,  anarcho-capitalism as formulated by Rothbard and others holds strongly to the central libertarian nonaggression axiom :.
The basic axiom of libertarian political theory holds that every man is a self owner, having absolute jurisdiction over his own body. In effect, this means that no one else may justly invade, or aggress against, another's person. It follows then that each person justly owns whatever previously unowned resources he appropriates or "mixes his labor with". This system establishes the right of every man to his own person, the right of donation, of bequest and, concomitantly, the right to receive the bequest or inheritance , and the right of contractual exchange of property titles.
Rothbard's defense of the self-ownership principle stems from what he believed to be his falsification of all other alternatives, namely that either a group of people can own another group of people, or the other alternative, that no single person has full ownership over one's self.
Rothbard dismisses these two cases on the basis that they cannot result in a universal ethic , i. The only alternative that remains to Rothbard is self-ownership, which he believes is both axiomatic and universal. In general, the nonaggression axiom can be said to be a prohibition against the initiation of force, or the threat of force, against persons i. The difference between anarcho-capitalists and other libertarians is largely one of the degree to which they take this axiom. Minarchist libertarians, such as most people involved in libertarian political parties , would retain the state in some smaller and less invasive form, retaining at the very least public police, courts and military.
However, others might give further allowance for other government programs. In contrast, anarcho-capitalists reject any level of state intervention, defining the state as a coercive monopoly and—as the only entity in human society that derives its income from legal aggression—an entity that inherently violates the central axiom of libertarianism. Some anarcho-capitalists, such as Rothbard, accept the nonaggression axiom on an intrinsic moral or natural law basis.
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It is in terms of the non-aggression principle that Rothbard defined anarchism, "a system which provides no legal sanction for such aggression ['against person and property']"; and said that "what anarchism proposes to do, then, is to abolish the State, i. Central to Rothbardian anarcho-capitalism are the concepts of self-ownership and original appropriation that combines personal and private property :. Everyone is the proper owner of his own physical body as well as of all places and nature-given goods that he occupies and puts to use by means of his body, provided only that no one else has already occupied or used the same places and goods before him.
This ownership of "originally appropriated" places and goods by a person implies his right to use and transform these places and goods in any way he sees fit, provided only that he does not change thereby uninvitedly the physical integrity of places and goods originally appropriated by another person.
Anarcho-capitalism uses the following terms in ways that may differ from common usage or various anarchist movements. This is the root of anarcho-capitalist property rights and where they differ from collectivist forms of anarchism such as anarcho-communism , where the means of production are controlled by the whole community and the product of labor is collectivized in a pool of goods and distributed "according to need" which is to be determined and enforced collectively.
As Rothbard says, "if every man has the right to own his own body and if he must use and transform material natural objects in order to survive, then he has the right to own the product that he has made". Original appropriation allows an individual to claim any never-before used resources, including land and by improving or otherwise using it, own it with the same "absolute right" as his own body.
According to Rothbard, property can only come about through labor, therefore original appropriation of land is not legitimate by merely claiming it or building a fence around it—it is only by using land and by mixing one's labor with it that original appropriation is legitimized: "Any attempt to claim a new resource that someone does not use would have to be considered invasive of the property right of whoever the first user will turn out to be".
Rothbard argues that the resource need not continue to be used in order for it to be the person's property as "for once his labor is mixed with the natural resource, it remains his owned land.
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His labor has been irretrievably mixed with the land, and the land is therefore his or his assigns' in perpetuity". Rothbard says:. It is not enough to call simply for defense of "the rights of private property"; there must be an adequate theory of justice in property rights, else any property that some State once decreed to be "private" must now be defended by libertarians, no matter how unjust the procedure or how mischievous its consequences. Rothbard says in Justice and Property Right that "any identifiable owner the original victim of theft or his heir must be accorded his property".
In the case of slavery, Rothbard says that in many cases "the old plantations and the heirs and descendants of the former slaves can be identified, and the reparations can become highly specific indeed". He believes slaves rightfully own any land they were forced to work on under the "homestead principle". If property is held by the state, Rothbard advocates its confiscation and "return to the private sector", saying that "any property in the hands of the State is in the hands of thieves, and should be liberated as quickly as possible".
For example, he proposes that state universities be seized by the students and faculty under the homestead principle. Rothbard also supports expropriation of nominally "private property" if it is the result of state-initiated force, such as businesses who receive grants and subsidies. He says: "What we libertarians object to, then, is not government per se but crime, what we object to is unjust or criminal property titles; what we are for is not 'private' property per se but just, innocent, non-criminal private property". Likewise, Karl Hess says that "libertarianism wants to advance principles of property but that it in no way wishes to defend, willy nilly, all property which now is called private [ Much is of dubious title.
All of it is deeply intertwined with an immoral, coercive state system". Although anarcho-capitalists assert a right to private property, some anarcho-capitalists also point out that common, i. Just as an individual comes to own that which was unowned by mixing his labor with it or using it regularly, a whole community or society can come to own a thing in common by mixing their labor with it collectively, meaning that no individual may appropriate it as his own.
This may apply to roads, parks, rivers and portions of oceans. Long gives the following example:. Consider a village near a lake. It is common for the villagers to walk down to the lake to go fishing. In the early days of the community it's hard to get to the lake because of all the bushes and fallen branches in the way. If one villager decided to take advantage of the now-created path by setting up a gate and charging tolls, he would be violating the collective property right that the villagers together have earned.
Nevertheless, since anarcho-capitalists believe that property that is owned collectively tends to lose the level of accountability found in individual ownership [ citation needed ] to the extent of the number of owners—and make consensus regarding property use and maintenance decisions proportionately less likely—anarcho-capitalists generally distrust and seek to avoid intentional communal arrangements.
Privatization , decentralization and individualization are often anarcho-capitalist goals. However, in some cases they not only provide a challenge, but are considered next to impossible. Established ocean routes, for example, are generally seen as unavailable for private appropriation. Anarcho-capitalists tend to concur with free market environmentalists regarding the "environmentally destructive tendencies of the state and other communal arrangements". Air, water and land pollution, for example, are seen as the result of collectivization of ownership.
They believe that central governments generally strike down individual or class action censure of polluters in order to benefit "the many" and legal or economic subsidy of heavy industry is justified by many politicians for job creation within a political territory. The Austrian School of economics argued against the viability of socialism and centrally planned economic policy. Later, Friedrich von Hayek wrote The Road to Serfdom , which states that a command economy lacks the information function of market prices and that central authority over the economy leads to totalitarianism.
Another Austrian economist, Ludwig von Mises , wrote Human Action , an early exposition of the method he called praxeology. Rothbard attempted to meld Austrian economics with classical liberalism and individualist anarchism. He wrote his first paper advocating "private property anarchism" in and later came up with the alternative name "anarcho-capitalism". He was probably the first to use "libertarian" in its current United States pro-capitalist sense.
His academic training was in economics, but his writings also refer to history and political philosophy. When young, he considered himself part of the Old Right , an anti- statist and anti- interventionist branch of the Republican Party. In the late s, he was briefly involved with Ayn Rand , but later had a falling-out. Buckley Jr. He believed that the Cold Warriors were more indebted in theory to the left and imperialist progressives, especially with respect to Trotskyist theory.
The society envisioned by anarcho-capitalists has been called the "contractual society"—i. It is difficult to predict precisely what the particulars of this society will look like because of the details and complexities of contracts. One particular ramification is that transfer of property and services must be considered voluntarily on the part of both parties. No external entities can force an individual to accept or deny a particular transaction.
An employer might offer insurance and death benefits to same-sex couples —another might refuse to recognize any union outside his or her own faith. Individuals are free to enter into or reject contractual agreements as they see fit. Rothbard points out that corporations would exist in a free society as they are simply the pooling of capital.
He says limited liability for corporations could also exist through contract: "Corporations are not at all monopolistic privileges; they are free associations of individuals pooling their capital. On the purely free market, such men would simply announce to their creditors that their liability is limited to the capital specifically invested in the corporation". Rothbard himself acknowledges that "limited liability for torts is the illegitimate conferring of a special privilege". There are limits to the right to contract under some interpretations of anarcho-capitalism.
Rothbard himself argues that the right to contract is based in inalienable human rights  and therefore any contract that implicitly violates those rights can be voided at will and which would, for instance, prevent a person from permanently selling himself or herself into unindentured slavery. Other interpretations conclude that banning such contracts would in itself be an unacceptably invasive interference in the right to contract. Included in the right of contract is the right to contract oneself out for employment by others.
Unlike anarcho-communists, anarcho-capitalists support the liberty of individuals to be self-employed or to contract to be employees of others, whichever they prefer and the freedom to pay and receive wages. Some anarcho-capitalists prefer to see self-employment prevail over wage labor. For example, David D. Friedman has expressed preference for a society where "almost everyone is self-employed" and "instead of corporations there are large groups of entrepreneurs related by trade, not authority.
Each sells not his time, but what his time produces". Different anarcho-capitalists propose different forms of anarcho-capitalism and one area of disagreement is in the area of law. They argue that all one has to do is ask if one is aggressing against another see tort and contract law in order to decide if an act is right or wrong.
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Unlike both the Tannehills and Rothbard who see an ideological commonality of ethics and morality as a requirement, David D. Friedman proposes that "the systems of law will be produced for profit on the open market, just as books and bras are produced today. There could be competition among different brands of law, just as there is competition among different brands of cars".
He says it is a possibility that very unlibertarian laws may result, such as laws against drugs, but he thinks this would be rare. He reasons that "if the value of a law to its supporters is less than its cost to its victims, that law [ Anarcho-capitalists only accept collective defense of individual liberty i.
However, their complaint is not just that the state's defensive services are funded by taxation, but that the state assumes it is the only legitimate practitioner of physical force—that is, it forcibly prevents the private sector from providing comprehensive security, such as a police, judicial and prison systems to protect individuals from aggressors.
Anarcho-capitalists believe that there is nothing morally superior about the state which would grant it, but not private individuals, a right to use physical force to restrain aggressors. If competition in security provision were allowed to exist, prices would also be lower and services would be better according to anarcho-capitalists. According to Molinari: "Under a regime of liberty, the natural organization of the security industry would not be different from that of other industries". The defense of those unable to pay for such protection might be financed by charitable organizations relying on voluntary donation rather than by state institutions relying on coercive taxation, or by cooperative self-help by groups of individuals.
Anarcho-capitalists believe that subrogation , which allows remuneration for losses and damages to be funded by the aggressors, reduces insurance costs and could operate as a business in itself—converting victims from paying customers into direct beneficiaries. The concept of restitution transfer and recoupment RTR has been explored by freenation theorist John Frederic Kosanke. Instead of having to pay for restitution, victims sell restitution rights to the RTR agencies. Edward Stringham argues that private adjudication of disputes could enable the market to internalize externalities and provide services that customers desire.
Like classical liberalism and unlike anarcho-pacifism , anarcho-capitalism permits the use of force as long as it is in the defense of persons or property. The permissible extent of this defensive use of force is an arguable point among anarcho-capitalists.
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Retributive justice , meaning retaliatory force, is often a component of the contracts imagined for an anarcho-capitalist society. Some believe prisons or indentured servitude would be justifiable institutions to deal with those who violate anarcho-capitalist property relations while others believe exile or forced restitution are sufficient. Bruce L. Benson argues that legal codes may impose punitive damages for intentional torts in the interest of deterring crime.
For instance, a thief who breaks into a house by picking a lock and is caught before taking anything would still owe the victim for violating the sanctity of his property rights. Benson opines that despite the lack of objectively measurable losses in such cases, "standardized rules that are generally perceived to be fair by members of the community would, in all likelihood, be established through precedent, allowing judgments to specify payments that are reasonably appropriate for most criminal offenses".
However, the robber's loss of reputation would be even more damaging. Specialized companies would list aggressors so that anyone wishing to do business with a man could first check his record. The bank robber would find insurance companies listing him as a very poor risk and other firms would be reluctant to enter into contracts with him.
One difficult application of defensive aggression is the act of revolutionary violence including anarcho-capitalist revolution against tyrannical regimes. Many anarcho-capitalists admire the American Revolution as "the legitimate act of individuals working together to fight against tyrannical restrictions of their liberties".
In fact, according to Rothbard, the American Revolutionary War was the only war involving the United States that could be justified.
The two principal moral approaches to anarcho-capitalism differ in regard to whether anarcho-capitalist society is justified on deontological or consequentialist ethics, or both. Natural-law anarcho-capitalism as advocated by Rothbard holds that a universal system of rights can be derived from natural law. Some other anarcho-capitalists do not rely upon the idea of natural rights, but instead present economic justifications for a free-market capitalist society. Such a latter approach has been offered by David D. Friedman in The Machinery of Freedom. Kosanke sees such a debate as irrelevant since in the absence of statutory law the non-aggression principle NAP is naturally enforced because individuals are automatically held accountable for their actions via tort and contract law.
Communities of sovereign individuals naturally expel aggressors in the same way that ethical business practices are naturally required among competing businesses that are subject to the discipline of the marketplace. For him, the only thing that needs to be debated is the nature of the contractual mechanism that abolishes the state, or prevents it from coming into existence where new communities form.
In both its collectivist and individualist forms, anarchism is usually considered a radical left-wing and anti-capitalist ideology that promotes socialist economic theories such as communism , syndicalism and mutualism. Murray Rothbard argues that the capitalist system of today is indeed not properly anarchistic because it so often colludes with the state. According to Rothbard, "what Marx and later writers have done is to lump together two extremely different and even contradictory concepts and actions under the same portmanteau term.
These two contradictory concepts are what I would call 'free-market capitalism' on the one hand, and 'state capitalism' on the other". He continues: "State capitalism inevitably creates all sorts of problems which become insoluble". Rothbard maintains that anarcho-capitalism is the only true form of anarchism—the only form of anarchism that could possibly exist in reality as he argues that any other form presupposes an authoritarian enforcement of political ideology, such as "redistribution of private property".
Moreover, anarcho-capitalists as well as classical liberal minarchists argue that the application of left-wing anarchist ideals would require an authoritarian body of some sort to impose it. Based on their understanding of anarchism, in order to forcefully prevent people from accumulating private capital [ clarification needed or use correct term ] there would necessarily be a redistributive organization of some sort which would have the authority to in essence exact a tax and re-allocate the resulting resources to a larger group of people.
They conclude that this body would inherently have political power and would be nothing short of a state. The difference between such an arrangement and an anarcho-capitalist system is, what anarcho-capitalists see as the voluntary nature of organization within anarcho-capitalism contrasted with a centralized ideology and a paired enforcement mechanism which they believe would be necessary under a "coercively" egalitarian-anarchist system. However, Rothbard also wrote a piece, published posthumously, entitled "Are Libertarians 'Anarchists'?
That none of the proclaimed anarchist groups correspond to the libertarian position, that even the best of them have unrealistic and socialistic elements in their doctrines". Furthermore, he said: "We must therefore conclude that we are not anarchists, and that those who call us anarchists are not on firm etymological ground, and are being completely unhistorical. On the other hand, it is clear that we are not archists either: we do not believe in establishing a tyrannical central authority that will coerce the noninvasive as well as the invasive.
Perhaps, then, we could call ourselves by a new name: nonarchist".
Classical liberalism is the primary influence with the longest history on anarcho-capitalist theory. Classical liberals have had two main themes since John Locke first expounded the philosophy: the liberty of man and limitations of state power. The liberty of man was expressed in terms of natural rights while limiting the state was based for Locke on a consent theory. In the 19th century, classical liberals led the attack against statism. Henry David Thoreau wrote: "I heartily accept the motto, 'That government is best which governs least'; and I should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically.
Carried out, it finally amounts to this, which also I believe, 'That government is best which governs not at all'; and when men are prepared for it, that will be the kind of government which they will have". The early liberals believed that the state should confine its role to protecting individual liberty and property and opposed all but the most minimal economic regulations. Over the years they have served different dog organizations in a variety of capacities, and they are internationally known as "trainers of trainers. He is the senior author of five books?
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