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Education, Audiovisual and Culture Executive Agency, The Law on Freedom of Communication gives the Conseil its authority. Its responsibilities include ensuring broadcasters adhere to the principles of pluralism and objectivity, ensuring respect for human dignity, protecting the interests of children, and protecting and promoting French language and culture on television and radio. The Conseil must also ensure television is accessible particularly to those who are deaf or hearing-impaired and that the "audiovisual media reflect the diversity of French society.


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This is consistent with France's definition of equality which does not permit the differentiation of groups on the basis of race, ethnicity or religion. Some observers have pointed to the absence of minorities on mainstream television and radio and suggest that this has spurred the development of an ethnic press and various ethno-specific channels Schuerkens That is, "rules are judged to meet the requirement of equality if they are the same for all.

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In theory, exceptions to the generality of the law are by their very nature illegal, and the principle of equality is exhaustively expressed by equality before the law. This has been affirmed in French case law, which does not recognize such groups as legal categories Latraverse Although schools do provide special menus to children who do not eat pork, the wearing of religious symbols is highly restricted. As Schiff et al.

Ethnic discrimination in social housing - Metropolitics

PhD: Producing identities and constructing community borders: a comparative study of Portuguese speaking radio broadcasts in France. Enrolment in the URMIS four-year project: Focus area 3: Processes for social construction and the production of collective identities, Program G: Identities of cities, identities in the cities. In fact, the study of community radio broadcasts and those involved in them makes it possible to make out the mechanisms and variable processes of identity construction.


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  • The revelation of what takes place within networks of local stakeholders including state bodies, municipal bodies and other organisations and within the institutions responsible for defining various strategies e. The approach adopted therefore does not merely concern individual routines or individual stereotypes. The key merit of Discriminations ethniques lies in the fact that it has a core argument, and that it makes the case for this argument. In short, we must not allow the tree of racism to obscure the wood of discrimination, as Patrick Simon puts it In this context, how can ethnic discrimination be combated?

    How do immigrants name their children in France?

    In Marseille, republican universalism forces stakeholders to reduce specific ethnic problems such as racial discrimination to problems of poverty, which also leads — for different reasons — to a euphemisation of discrimination. Overall, Discriminations ethniques is an accomplished work: the comparative approach, the mobilisation of English-language literature and an impartial, unemotional outlook make for a frank, serious work that will be useful for anyone interested in ethnic issues, social housing, public policy or comparative analysis. In my view, this question is not especially relevant, for the following reasons.

    Nobody, therefore, wants to be racist; and any accusation of racism is so morally loaded that it cannot be distanced by any scientific definition of racism.

    Défenseur des droits de lutte contre les discriminations

    In my view , Sala Pala was wrong, from the outset, to take the notion of racism seriously: in her review of the literature examined, she should have stopped at Wacquant , decided that the notion of racism is unusable, and proceeded to build an alternative analytical framework. As she did not make this choice , she is now exposed to moral criticism.

    Another criticism that can be levelled at this work is that the author has produced a book of or so dense, well-informed pages, with a remarkable analysis of the literature on the subject, and yet manages not to discuss the question of pure discrimination versus statistical discrimination. For example, if I think men have a particular propensity for violence against children, I will take steps to prevent this risk by refusing to hire men to work in a nursery, even though I know that all men are not violent.

    We are constantly making such statistical discriminations, with varying levels of in accuracy and mis information, and it would appear the employees of social-housing bodies in Discriminations ethniques are no different. This challenging exercise is brilliantly executed, and readers will delight in the chapters of the second part of the book, particularly those set in Marseille, which are worth the cover price alone.

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    However, once these cognitions have been described, they need to be explained. Where do they originate?


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    • Are they the same from one organisation to another? Do they reflect stereotypes that are present in the media or in the professional literature? Ultimately, are these cognitions more or less in line with the empirical reality, or are they somewhat left-field? Why are ethnic categories so pervasively present among employees of social housing, and why do they not use other categories that they might consider relevant? These questions arise for the following reason: the individuals who work in social-housing bodies in Marseille resort to ethnic stereotypes in order to fine-tune allocations in order to avoid conflicts between neighbours and the deterioration of dwellings and buildings.