He ought nut to be punished by a tax from which his neighbor. Exeter, Neb. You can put me down as a member. I want to be enrolled under the banner of Rev. He is the teacher of truth and the friend of humanity. God bless him! Please send me some information to start a labor organization here. A Stirring Address by Rev. Winchester of Middletown, N. The excessive heat and the fact that a vast number of people left the city on Saturday for the Fourth of July, would have rendered it impossible to get together any considerable number of people on Sunday evening for any ordinary purpose; but the purposes of the Anti-poverty society are far from ordinary or commonplace, and the throng at the Academy of Music on Sunday night showed how effectively the gospel of the new crusade has taken bold of the hear is of the people.
Michael Clarke acted as chairman, and the Concordia chorus, under the leadership of Miss Munier, was present in almost undiminished numbers. McCready, the chairman of the executive committee, made a few remarks, explaining the urgent need of the society for funds, and appealing to the audience to do all in their power to help the cause along.
We have constant daily appeals to us from other places for tracts and information. Three clerks are already employed and there is work for more. But tracts and clerk hire and postage require money, and unless the good people who attend the public meetings of the society will furnish the money, the work of the society must be curtailed.
The chairman then introduced the Rev. Winchester of Middletown, X. In his opening remarks Mr. Winchester alluded to the recent visit of Dr. McGlynn to the city where he lived, and spoke of the immense interest the Anti-poverty society was exciting throughout the country. That is what we all are for. Now, what is poverty? Let us begin at the bottom of this matter. Let us see what poverty is. Some people think that poverty iswhat this illustrated newspaper showing a page of the New York World makes it out.
If you noticed it today, you will have seen a picture of one of your tenement houses, and somebody putting a lot of second-hand furniture in the rain, while a poor woman and her children are weeping that they are obliged to vacate a place that a beast ought not to live in. That is not the only kind of poverty. Hook upon this audience tonight, and I hope you will not be offended if I say that the greater part of you are in poverty.
I know I am in poverty, and I am not ashamed to own it, as long as it is true; but I am ashamed to own it, considering all the natural resources God has given to the people. Poverty is the want of any necessity of life or of any luxury that the Creator has given to His children. He is now a lawyer, comes down and spends the week in your city and then returns home on Friday or Saturday to spend the time with his children.
He is a very able lawyer, and—are there any lawyers here? Uproarious laughter. He has a pleasant, comfortable home,just about a medium home, and he just about makes a comfortable living. If he should die he has perhaps a small policy of life insurance. What can he do toward setting his children out in life? He is in actual poverty, as I understand poverty. He has not the necessary conveniences to bring up his children in the sort of life that everybody has a right to be in, for everybody has a right to be comfortable, and nobody has a right to make anybody else less than comfortable. That is about the prevailing idea—that the Lord is peculiarly favorable to the rich and the poor may beg or live the best they can.
There are some people who think that God took of the dust of the earth and screened it, and out of the best part of it made some men, and out of the rest made the poor. So it has got to be thought really true in this world that God wants a part of the people to be poor so that the rich can show their bowels of mercy and be charitable Laughter. And I am glad that that wonderful Catholic church, from which have come some of the best men the world ever saw, has brought to the front a man who is willing to bear the reproach of the world in order to proclaim the truth that all men are brethren, and that God is the Father of them all.
Tumultuous applause. Now, I ought to be the last man, and I will be the last man, to say anything against the church; against any church. Every church in this land is needed. In my mind I have no opposition to any church. I am not a Protestant, I am not a Catholic, but I am trying to be a human being wild applause ; and I shall stand, I trust, firm and true to that God who made of one blood all nations of men to dwell on all the face of this glorious earth of ours applause , and means them to have the use of the earth while they dwell on it.
The religion of the churches of today is well typified by their tall steeples. Their religion, like the steeples, is so lofty that it is of very little practical use. Laughter and applause. You would think, to hear them, that when our Heavenly Father brought into being these millions on the face of the earth, it was only that they might finally get into heaven some way— squeeze in somehow.
I protest against that as a most terrible humbug. God made the earth for the solid enjoyment of the people a s long as they can stay upon it, and after that He has promised them a new heaven and a new earth on which the righteous can dwell. Take one good ear of corn. Just look at it, rich and golden! Does it bring forth an ear? Does it increase as slowly as the human race increases? No indeed. One ear, well planted and with simple cultivation, brings a rich reward of ripe, waving corn. So with all production. God has implanted the life principle that seems to say with the waving of every blade of grain, with the waving of every field of wheat, let there be no poverty in this world of yours, my children, for the land God gave to the children of men.
What makes all this poverty? There are some lazy people. Yes, that is so. I have nothing to say for the lazy man. Another says, so many are intemperate. Well, I suppose that is so. But I am bound to say that if you should do away with all the intemperance in the land, the same evils of poverty that afflict us now would still continue to exist.
People would be just as badly off as they are now. Cut their wages down. They can live on less money now than when they were drinking. The slave gets his food, and clothing, and house room, and an allowance for beer and whiskey. If all the slaves should stop using beer and whiskey they would simply get no allowance for it. And let the robbery of the land stop as the first thing. We say tonight that no man living has a title to the land that runs back to the original owner of the land. The time. I was really astonished when I saw this audience.
If the preachers of this city want to till up all their churches and crowd them full, let them talk of the burning question of the hour—the land for the people. The chairman then arose, and in a few well considered words reminded the audience that the date set by the ecclesiastical authorities of the Catholic church for the excommunication of the president of the Anti-poverty society had arrived. McGlynn hisses , for it seems that there is no limit to their capabilities in the direction of folly and injustice and contempt for the feelings and rights of the people.
In view of such a contingency, it is well for us to keep clearly before our minds the true facts of the case, and to have a clear understanding of the real position. McGlynn they will excommunicate him for teaching certain doctrines upon the land question. Now, what are those doctrines that Dr. McGlynn has been preaching? What are the doctrines that Dr. McGlynn has been teaching, and for the teaching of which he has been threatened with excommunication? The land He has given to the children of men. Now, as every individual is a creature and a child of God, and as all His creatures are equal in His sight, any settlement of the land of a country that would exclude the humblest man in that country from his share of the common inheritance would be not only an injustice and a wrong to that man, but, moreover, would be an impious resistance to the benevolent intentions of the Creator.
Great applause. McGlynn has been teaching; no more and no less. And who was it that w rote those words that I have read? They were written by Dr. Thomas Nulty, the present Catholic bishop of the diocese of Meath in Ireland. Nulty in a letter addressed by him in to the clergy and laity of his diocese.
And what, ladies gentlemen, is the position of our case in the light of those remarkable words? The position is this: That a Catholic priest in New York has been suspended, and is threatened with excommunication, for teaching the very same doctrines that a Catholic bishop in Ireland has taught without a word of censure. They have been saying that Dr.
McGlynn has been teaching doctrines condemned by the Catholic church, and that, therefore, he deserves the punishment he has got. Will they tell us why it is that Dr. Nulty was not excommunicated in ? The Catholic church, as we all know, claims that her teaching is one and the same in all countries and at all times. McGlynn as contrasted with case of Dr. I do not suppose that they will answer the question.
I do not suppose that they will tell us why Dr. Nulty was not censured for preaching what Dr. McGlynn is now censured for preaching. We can tell them why Dr. Nulty was not excommunicated in The gentlemen at the Vatican dared not do it, because they knew that Dr. Nulty had the Irish race at his back. They knew that if they were to excommunicate Dr. Nulty for giving expression to his opinions on the land question, they would have a schism in the Irish church. And I think that we are at present in a proper spirit and in a proper frame of mind to teach them a very stem lesson upon that question.
I think that if they excommunicate Dr. McGlynn, they will have to excommunicate one or two more of us. I believe that they will have to excommunicate millions of American Catholics if they excommunicate Dr. What a monstrous claim it is that they make upon us. They claim that we Catholics should have less liberty in political affairs than our non-Catholic fellow citizens; that while men of other creeds should have full liberty to think and act and speak as they please on public questions, we Catholics should have only that measure of freedom which Archbishop Corrigan and the pope may choose to accord to us.
Hisses and groans. I refuse, as a Catholic, to occupy such a humiliating position. I should be ashamed to look in the face of my non-Catholic fellow citizen with such a brand of inferiority stamped upon my brow. I shall never be such a slave. The Catholics of America will never be such slaves. I speak for Catholics—I think I may venture to say I speak for thousands and millions of Catholics when I say this: That so long as the breath of life is in our bodies we will never yield up to pope, propaganda or bishop one jot or tittle of our full rights as American citizens.
Great and long continued applause. This is the vow that from this Anti- poverty society platform we send up to heaven here to-night. We are resolved, excommunication or no excommunication, to stand firmly and steadfastly by Dr. A moments silence, followed by shouts of applause and cheers. There are as good and as true and devoted Catholics in this Anti-poverty society as any of those who are among the friends and defenders of Archbishop Corrigan.
We claim a right in the Catholic church as strong and as well founded as their right. It was instituted for the people, and the people have a right to its benefits. We claim the sacraments of the Catholic church—we who are Catholics—not as a privilege or a favor, but as a God-given right which no cardinal archbishop can, upon a flimsy pretext, deprive us of.
If they put Dr. McGlynn out of the church, they put us out of the church. Wherever Dr. McGlynn takes his stand, we take our stand. I have heard, we have all heard, ever since the formation of this Anti-poverty society, that people in all parts of the United States are declaring themselves McGlynn Catholics. Well, I fancy that if they proceed with this matter of excommunication, they will discover very quickly and in a very disagreeable and unpleasant form that the McGlynn Catholic congregation will be the biggest congregation on this continent.
Clarke then announced John McMackin, chairman of the county committee of the united labor party, who said:. Our united labor party intends to celebrate it, to show that in struggling to lift humanity out of the depths of poverty we are the best friends of those stars and stripes that ought to float over a free. Might I not say that it is well, too, that those people across the water who have fixed that day for the consummation of an outrage should be told to-morrow in plain language, in unmistakable tones, that while we are true to this flag, while we are law-abiding citizens, we are determined that no power, no matter from whence it comes, shall circumscribe the rights of a Catholic citizen in America.
It is a question of fight today. It is a question in our country today not only of citizenship, but whether the same outrageous, tyrannous, unjustifiable conduct that has characterized the church in Europe shall be allowed in America to bring the Catholic church into that disreputable state that makes i ts followers the mere tools of corrupt men. Let no man or woman be mistaken. We say that we believe that Christ came upon earth to save men; but that does not make it necessary that we should become stones to crush our fellow men. And when, my friends, our churches and our bishops can divest themselves of this idea, it will be a great deal better for Christianity.
It will be the greatest lesson perhaps the Catholic church ever got, and that is to know that it is not necessary to be a good Catholic to wear a Roman collar. There is a good deal of meaning in that. The Catholic church today throughout the United States stands under better conditions than it does in any other country in the world. And why? Simply because the church is free from corrupt alliances with men who seek to Control the government.
It looks a small matter to some men today, but it is the beginning of a new era in the Catholic church throughout the whole world. McGlynn said, when these meetings opened at Chickering hall, we are not starting a new church, we are not opening a new gospel shop, but we are trying to bring men back to that love of God that makes man love his fellow men. But I think we need do no more than to say in plain, simple English that we are determined that as Americans we shall exercise our rights without interference. And if at this moment there is in that marble palace an order for the excommunication of Dr.
McGlynn, suffice it to state that there never was an order issued from the Roman propaganda that could fall with less effect than will that intended for Edward McGlynn. It is the most peculiar thing in the world. They did suspend him, and they did hear tell of him. He is doing a great work. Our friend, the archbishop hisses , said the other day that the minute he exercised his power of bell, book and candle, that would be the last of Edward McGlynn. You told me when you suspended him that we would not hear of him three days after.
It will drive away the whole lot of them; Central labor union and district 40, and all the rest. The fact of it is they have played the last card in t h e pack. Great applause and laughter. If men who take the oath of allegiance to this government, and young men born here are compelled to vote as an archbishop may dictate, then I say this American republic has very little to stand upon.
And, indeed, it were well that thinking men. There is something unnatural in this struggle for existence that compels one to starve his fellow man in order that he may obtain an advantage. If this is the lot of men, then indeed might we blaspheme that God who made it possible for me or for you to take advantage of our fellow men. But such is not our view of life. There should be a living for them, which there is not today. But while Mr. Hewitt establishes his one man anti-poverty society, let us go on with this crusade, take up the cross, carry it because it is the cross of Christ, carry it as men and women.
As I told you before, the greatest salvation of the human family, the greatest vindication of Edward McGlynn will be to add to the vote of the united labor party next November. Reynolds Bridge, Conn. The trade was then in its infancy. I could always see that the cause of the material prosperity in this country was the abundance of good land which could be easily and cheaply had by any who wanted it. Now this abundance of free land is gone and we have the land speculator and the tramp, and wages have dropped. I thoroughly believe in the doctrine that you advocate.
All that men want is the r aw material to work up into products. With equal opportunities to obtain this raw material each might take off his coat and go to work with a fair field and no favor. Brooklyn, Md. The benefits derivable from such a system of taxation are as clear as the noonday sun.
The Standard is doing noble work in educating the toiling masses, as is evident from the numerous Henry George and anti-poverty clubs that are being formed throughout the country. This shows beyond a doubt that the people only want instruction in the proper means to be adopted to relieve them of the heavy burden under which they are struggling. Parkhilly, Ont. It appeals so to common sense that I cannot see how any reasonable person can deny its truth.
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The magnitude of the projected reform is startling, but that such a reform is necessary no one who has enough intelligence to determine the sum of two and two can doubt. I am quite willing and anxious to do anything I can for the furtherance of this great cause, though my sphere be humble. During the next three months Rev. John B. Barnhill of Xenia, Ill. The Appeal To Rome. A Catholic priest in Pennsylvania sends the following statement of the canon law with regard to appeals to the high ecclesiastical court ofRome, showing how helpless are the rank and file of the clergy in the hands of their superiors:.
McGlynn has, I hope, led many Catholics to perceive that there are important defects in the exercising of the authority of their church. It is now manifest to all the world by the prominence of this case that a man may be condemned and visited with severest penalties in the American hierarchy, without a hearing or any opportunity of defense; but it is a further fact, not as well known, that when a man is so condemned, he can hardly ever obtain any adequate redress for the injury done to him.
This will surprise the average Catholic, who is ready on all occasions with the advice to appeal to Rome. For the feeling has been almost universal among us that for every wrong and grievance a journey to Rome would produce an unfailing remedy. The essential difference is that when a priest is compelled to take the method of a recourse instead of a regular appeal he is heard at the Roman tribunal by petition as of grace and informally without argument; whereas, if the processes of the canon law had been observed below, in the ecclesiastical court of the diocese or archdiocese, the priest could then take a record of the evidence and transactions and be entitled to present the same at Rome as of right and to offer argument touching all the questions involved and to get an adjudication of the main issue in the accustomed form of a decision by review.
In short an appeal is bad of right fromjudicial pronouncements; a recourse is had of grace from arbitrary acts. In the canon system of the church it is regarded as an exception; but under our American regime a recourse has of necessity become the rule, because here the bishops rarely afford a hearing on trial, but usually inflict summary and arbitrary punishment.
The appeal proper is thus destroyed at the root, and a suspended or deposed priest has no alternative but the recourse—within the lines of the church. There is no diocesan fund to be drawn upon, no plan of assessment or contribution. And thus we have in the great Roman church, notwithstanding the boasted perfection of its discipline, what in a civil government would be deemed an anomaly of juridical practice—namely, a law without any provision for its enforcement.
In a state we would attribute such defect to incompetence or corruption on the part of the legislature. In the church it may be fairly ascribed to neglect or oversight on the part of the Roman administration. Assuredly the recourse to Rome, in nine cases out of ten, remains a mere abstraction, if not a mere mockery, for want of ways and means to carry it on.
Witness the more than a thousand priests—called in classic language sacerdotes vagahundi who are wandering about in America, deprived of honors and even of their livelihood. These men were thrown on the street by the arbitrary acts of bishops—that is, without a hearing or trial. Of what use to them is this recourse to Rome? It is, as an eminent writer has said in reference to another subject, it is like throwing a man overboard in mid-ocean and telling him he is at liberty to swim ashore. And the reflection is sad, indeed, that the more unselfish and faithful the priest the worse he finds his condition when placed under ban and censure.
If he has served God and hated Mammon; if he has not hoarded the filthy lucre, but has kindly shared his possessions with the fatherless and the afflicted, he is for that the worse off when difficulties and misfortunes are put upon him. This result is teaching a terrible lesson to the priesthood—the lesson, namely, to be wise in their generation, like the unjust steward, and not to trust in the equities of their sacred profession. On the contrary, even if a regular decision was rendered against a priest after a fair trial before his peers, he would still be entitled to sufficient income from his parish to enable him to prosecute an appeal at the court of Rome.
It is,therefore, high time the laity should cooperate with them and unite throughout the country in demanding a full measure of justice for their devoted clergy. The profit in San Diego ranches and government lands have so far been made by the owners, not from their products, but from the extraordinary rise in value of their lands. Any one in fair health and out of debt must have a poor excuse if unable to make a living easily on a government claim under such simple conditions as above.
The average settler in Mr. Two claims entered by ex-soldiers a few years ago on which the value of improvements have been but a few hundred dollars, were sold just before Mr. In each case nearly every dollar is clear profit, the reward of going out a few miles from the city and living on a claim for three or four years. Still other ranches, and by far the greater number, are being held and further improved by the men who are homesteaders or preempted them. The unoccupied government land has about all been taken up, so that the experiment cannot be repeated, and no one needs to start for southern California expecting to find a lazy man:s paradise, with land for the taking, as he could have done a few years ago.
The sale was made by Samuel Peters to a syndicate," for there were syndicates in those days as well as in this.
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The sale was made in January, , and the syndicate was composed of Lewis Ayres and ninety-nine others. It is described as a large tract of land in the northwestern territory, containing 8,, acres and more. It comprised the greater portion of the land sold in to Jonathan Garver by the Nandawrssies tribe of Indians. Carver received , acres. The description is as follows:. Running from the falls of St.
Anthony from the east bank of the Mississippi nearly east as far as the south end of Lake Pepin, where the Chippewa. There is reserved to the Indians the sole right to fish and hunt on unimproved land. With but few exceptions the roads simply state that if they had their due they would receive more land than they now have, as much of the land granted them has been preempted, and there is no land from which to make selections.
The St. Paul and Sioux City railroad company take the ground that this matter is beyond the jurisdiction of the secretary of the interior. The Atlantic and Pacific railroad state that they have earned 1,, acres more land than they have received. This the Colorado desert is a marvelous and wonderful land, and nothing caused the writer greater surprise than the soil and water discoveries constantly being made in these desert places.
Italian immigration, especially from the old Neapolitan provinces, in had risen to ,, and it is rising by 10, or 15, a year. Of this outpouring more than. Half reaches South America, where it is believed more than Sir Horace Rumbolt, in his work on the Silver river, just published, describes Buenos Ayres as filled with Italians, who, though perfectly orderly and peaceable, every now and then manifest in home gathering or festival their overwhelming strength. It is by no means impossible that the states of the Platte may become, without violence, by the natural operation of emigration and a full birth rate, Italian colonies.
Political power as yet, however, still remains in the hands of the Spaniards. Every train that goes out of or comes into the Grand Central station is obliged to stop at Mott avenue, so inhabitants of that end of be town can go to and from their places of business as readily as though they lived on the line of the elevated road. The wise man is the man of foresight. If the people of Alabama today owned all the coal and iron lands in the state, and received but a fraction of the market price for the coal and iron mined, this alone would pay all state, county and city governmental expenses, and instead of all these great fortunes going, as they not do, into the pockets of a few individuals, this wealth would be, by this method of taxation, returned to the whole people.
There are over 5, square mile of coal lands in this state, with thousands of square miles of ton and valuable stone. Go on the market toward the close of market day and you will notice this. But of all perishable articles none are so perishable as labor. Under our social system it must sell or die. Every moment it remains unsold it suffers loss. Character is not bettered by mere expansion of rights. It requires discipline, self-denial, education in sobriety and thrift, to improve it. There is nothing in Mr. He appeals to greed, not to the higher self. He seeks to build a party upon the general lust of acquisition.
Queries And Answers. C owns lot free and has a small home on same in which he lives and where he stables the one horse with which hegets a living for his family. The principle of justice in such case is that each monopolizes the same natural and social opportunity. Under existing conditions if D owned all three lots, he would not charge any less ground rent to C, because he had ashanty on his lot than to A, who had a hundred thousand dollar building on his.
If common ownership were recognized by the land value tax , it would be a n injustice to every other member of the community to allow C to waste his opportunities without paying their value into the common fund. If A could make a profit out of a hundred thousand dollar building on one of these lots a profit could be made out of such a building on each of the other lots, and it would be to the best interest of the whole community to force the occupiers of the second and third lots to make as good use of them as was made of the first.
In the case you suppose B and Cwould be mere speculators in land values, keeping land out of its best use for some selfish end. If they could not afford to put their landto as good use as A put his to there would be plenty of land in the neighborhood to which they could resort for little or no tax and where their inferior improvements would be appropriate. What now makes the rich man richer and wipes out the poor man is the system of taxation which permits the appropriation of land without using it, or what in principle is the same thing , without putting it t o its best use.
Taxing improvements does not hurt the rich man, for of such taxes he pays but a small proportion. Taxes on products are paid by the consumer. If your example were reversed and taxes were laid wholly on the improvements the result would be somewhat like this: A would pay no tax at all; he would make his tenants pay it in higher house rent. B would pay no tax; he also would make his tenants pay. But C would pay taxes, because he would himself be the consumer of his home and stable o n which the taxes would be paid.
But if land were taxed exclusively C would pay no taxes if he chose to put his home and stable on a free lot, while A and B would have to pay a tax equal to the rental value of their lots. Your questions are rather threadbare. They have been answered over and over again, and it would be well for you to consult the back numbers of The Standard if your mind is not yet clear on the subject. Washington, D.
What taxes would I have to pay under your system, to retain the occupancy and use of the land? If the skies fell you might catch larks. Jersey City. Matson, refers to the law thirteenth of twenty-fifth of Henry VII. Has that law ever been repealed? If not, is not that statute in force now even in the United States? As I understand, the colonists brought the laws of England in force at the time they left with them, and unless repealed since the declaration of independence by the various states, must still be effective, though not acted on. Can you or any of your friends tell if it still lives and can be acted on?
The law to which you refer has no force in this country. The colonists did bring with them all the laws of them other country that were appropriate to their new situation. Whether this law was in force in England then we do not know, bu t even if it was its force as law has been spent here by nearly three centuries of inconsistent practice. New York. This means that your theory is in actual practice. As I know it is not so, please give me the figures. That is, that your theory would concentrate wealth.
Our theory is no t in practice so long as taxes are imposed on labor products. It is of the essence of the theory that labor products shall not be taxed. Your informants mean that if unimproved land were taxed even at present taxing rates to its full value as the l aw requires, its owners would have to use it or let it go.
This, in many cases, would be true; and that it is not so taxed is because it is to the interest of the rich to keep taxes on land as low as possible, while the rest of the community are not conscious of any interest in the matter. Other taxes are shifted to the consumer, but land taxes cannot be. When the theory we advocate is enforced it will be to the obvious interest of everybody to see to it that one piece of land pays, irrespective of improvements, as high a tax as another of the same value; and then land cannot be kept out of use without yielding as much to the community as it would if used, while every one will be encouraged to invest his money in production which will be exempt from taxation.
It is not improvements that increase values, but population. An expensive building on one lot may induce some one t o erect another expensive building on an adjoining lot, and thus increase values; but it is the demand for more land, not the expensive building, that is the real cause of the increased value. This would not concentrate wealth. The appropriation to public use of land values, and the opening to use, free, of all land having no value would put an effectual check upon that. It is amusing to notice the anxiety of wealth concentrators lest something may be done tending to concentrate wealth.
When labor and capital are free, wealth cannot be concentrated; it is only when they can be exploited under conditions that make the laborer dependent and small capital a drug, that wealth can be concentrated. If the theory we advocate would tend to concentrate wealth, it would not be honored with the enemies it has.
As long as private ownership in land is recognized by law, there is no reason why it should not be done. We are not called upon t o put square pegs into round holes. It can serve no good purpose for individuals to act respecting land ownership differently from prevailing customs. As to co-operation, there can be no real co-operation so long as land is private property.
The very first step inthe direction of co-operation must be the freeing of the land. Glen Cove. It was overflooded by the tide and became a source of malaria when the tide was out. It had only a nominal value. The owner of said swamp built a dock on the water side and filled gradually the swamp with ashes, etc.
The tide does not reach it any more. The fifteen feet deep surface is due to improvement—i. How do you propose to base the taxes on this half acre, as there is no similar land surrounding it? And does that landlord not actually own that fifteen feet deep surface. But when the location acquire a value, we would base taxes on that. This kind of improvement, however, is permanent. Once made, it is made forever. It requires no labor to keep it in repair, as houses do.
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It is as a labor product analogous to a new invention, and we should no more think of giving its producer and his successors perpetual ownership than of giving a perpetual patent for an invention. In time its value will merge into the value of the location, and be entitled to no consideration in adjusting the land value tax.
It is not necessary, desirable or just to exempt it from taxation longer than is requisite to induce labor to reclaim other waste places. Coin held in reserve is capital tied up. Its functions as coin are as well performed by paper, and its functions as a useful product of labor are paralyzed. There is no justification of any coin reserve. Money as such has no value in the sense that a house or land has value. A new house adds to the values of the community, but an additional issue of money does not. The community is no richer when eighty cents of silver comes out of the mint stamped with the dollar mark than when the silver went to the mint, but a representative of values to the extent of twenty cents has been created.
What you call fictitious money values has no such effect. Harrisburg, Pa. Now would not this enable the holders of land to exact in the form of rent all the tax levied upon the land? What could prevent it? Would not the burden fall on the tenant at last for the same reason that a tax on a commodity is paid by the persons consuming the commodity? The margin of production determines rent. When that is low rent is high ; when that is high rent is low.
And the margin of production is fixed by demand for land relatively to the supply. The demand for land is in the order of its productiveness. When the most productive is appropriated, whether it be used or not, additional demand must be met from the supply of the next productive, and then from the next and so on; and as people are forced upon lower grades the higher grades rise in value. The value is speculative or real, according as it is based on the current rent the land will command, or the rent it is expected to command in the future.
In fact, all land values are to some extent speculative. No land will yield rent equal to current rates of interest on its selling value. This speculative value would be destroyed by a high land value tax, because it would not pay to keep any valuable land out of use, or out of its best use, and there would be such a market supply of land of all grades that values would fall.
The margin of production would rise. As Mr. There are no means by which he can shift the burden upon any one else. It does not affect the value or price of agricultural produce, for this is determined by the cost of production in the most unfavorable circumstances, and in those circumstances, as we have so often demonstrated, no rent is paid. A tax on rent, therefore, has no effect other than its obvious one. It merely takes so much from the landlord and transfers it to the state. When a tax is imposed on a product of labor, it tends to diminish the supply and thus to increase the price; but a tax on land values tends to increase the market supply of land by forcing the use or sale of idle land, and thus to decrease the price.
Of one thing you may be sure, that what landlords do not do in the way of raising rent when there is no tax, they cannot do when there is a tax. The landlord who can increase rent, and yet restrains himself until taxes are put on his land, always dies young. It is this: Supposing that a man has bought a home for himself and beautified the grounds, etc. Now for two reasons the man who owns the homestead is in a bad position: First, the location has already become undesirable for a home; second, if he endeavors to sell, he finds that his house is useless for business purposes.
He cannot afford to stay, because the full tax would be altogether too much for him to pay for a home, and he could not sell the only thing he owned—the house and improvements—because they would be useless to the only parties who would be likely to purchase, i.
What remedy would he have? Of course I am now talking about his own property, the home, not the property of the community, which would be the increased value of the land itself. In the case you suppose, the occupier would be in precisely the same position that he would be in under the present condition, with this difference, that whereas now he would receive from the community enough to pay for his house and leave a large profit besides, he would then receive nothing from the community.
In other words, so much of the present system as would give him a pension would be abolished. If there were individual cases of hardship the community might, if it chose, give the sufferer another house. It would be cheaper to do that than to give him what it gives now, namely, the privilege of levying a perpetual and indefinite tax upon his fellow men. Such cases, however, would seldom arise. Or if he did not want to do that himself he would find plenty of people who would want to do it and who would buy him out at a price that would give to him the value of the dwelling as an inducement to let them erect a business building there instead of doing it himself.
Moreover, in nearly all cases, by the time a residence district has become a rushing business center the house owner would have enjoyed in use the full average value of his improvements. Finally, let the apparent hardship be what it will, compare it with the hardships of our present system and say which of the two you, as a humane man, would choose. Wakefield, Mass.
- Le Seigneur des atolls (French Edition).
- A Night Out Alone (Sally Series)?
- Capture and Utilization of Carbon Dioxide with Polyethylene Glycol (SpringerBriefs in Molecular Science).
- Werwolf - Der Verfall (German Edition);
- Forever and a Day.
By having possession of it at the time your theory commences, he would have the right to hold it. But supposing he wanted to leave town or country, and he was a poor man and owned a little home which he paid for, would it be right for him to lose it and the government take it without making it good for him?
I would like to understand those points. Hunter, Alliance, O. Milleur of Philadelphia, Pa. Curtis Taylor, Ridley Park, Pa. And as your mind is fixed on Pennsylvania, you might, in framing your question, take into consideration the value of an acre of Pennsylvania land live minutes before and its value five minutes after a coal deposit is discovered under its surface You might consider also the difference between the value of a city lot before population moves in its direction and after, no labor being done upon the lot meantime.
Levi R. Pierce, Lynn, Mass. The question was really one of values rather than prices. You are right in supposing that a variable volume of money may affect prices. Columbus, O. We are opposed to all further confiscation by individuals or corporations of the indivisible unearned increment and common inheritance of all mankind—i.
We are opposed to the confiscation by taxation of any part of the product of true capital and labor. We are opposed to all further confiscation of the earnings of the many who toil for the benefit of the favored few who enjoy special privileges, such as railroad and telegraph monopolies. In short, the mission of our party is the prevention of confiscation, and should the name anti- confiscation party be adopted, we will not only make known our purpose, but effectually spike the guns of our enemies, and, better still, capture their ammunition, which has so far consisted mostly in dubbing us confiscators.
With an anti-poverty society and an anti-confiscation party, we can sweep the social and political platter clean. Arkansas City, Kan. One year ago a syndicate purchased large tracts of land hero and then deeded hall of it to the Atchison, Topeka and. The syndicate also got, through the city government, a free gift to the railroad company of the gas, electric light and horse railroad franchises. The railroad company carried out their bargain, located division shops, round house, etc.
Thus we see the twin robbers, the railroad and land owner, conspiring to compel the would be inhabitant to pay a blackmail price for the privilege of living and doing business here. Ralph Beaumont, general lecturer of the Knights of Labor, who has returned from a lecture tour through the southern states, says:.
Let them go where I have been in the south for the past six weeks and it will not take them long to be convinced that the idea that the American farmer owns his farm is only a delusion. In the state of North Carolina four fifths of the farms are owned by the farmers only in name.
They possess a deed, but the real owner is the fellow that holds the other kind of a deed called a mortgage. And the only reason that the merchant does not take the farm and take a fee simple deed for it is that if he did so he would have to pay the taxes on the farm. Adams, Mass. Why should that land be taxed more by many a thousand dollars than the five acres alongside of it owned by a man who makes no use of it, but is holding it simply for speculative purposes.
Under a proper system both would be taxed alike, the benefits of the improvements going direct to the parties whose brains and muscle produced them. I am a constant reader of your valuable paper and tracts and am a firm believer in in your doctrine on the land question. As for Dr. McGlynn, God will bless him every day of his life.
He is the David of the nineteenth century fighting the battles of the poor and oppressed. We are firmly persuaded that there is no anti-poverty society in the world like that established in Galilee eighteen hundred years ago. In the acceptance of the doctrines taught by the founder of this institution, and in the faithful practice of them, we find the only rational hope of the deliverance of the world from the bondage of sin and all the woe and misery which sin entails. All theories which ignore the individuality and independence of men, or which teach our young people to look to anything but their own exertions for wealth, are broken reeds.
Where The Churches Stand. Hugh O. Jesus was an unmistakable friend of the common people, and possessed the rare trait of speaking words of truth, and righteousness in simple, direct language, and with unaffected earnestness. He never was anything but a carpenter. He became a preacher, but He never entered the class of preachers; He never received a theological education or a salary.
He was Jesus the carpenter, prophet, till the day of His death. He was in sympathy with common people, because He was one of the common people Himself. You must remember this, if you expect to understand Him. Jesus never associated with rich people, although He occasionally visited them. Nor with the priests and ministers of His day, who were His opponents and critics.
They had no sympathy for the common people He loved. In fact, He was almost absolutely alone in His doctrine and the purpose which. He intended to accomplish. He gathered a few earnest men as disciples, He founded no church, instituted no organization. The Christian ministry, as a rule, are not men who are in airy true sense of the word, poor or in sympathy with the common people. Many are sons of farmers and middle class men, but they are finely educated under influences that separate them in thought from the common people.
When they get into the ministry they soon find that a successful pastorate means the preaching a gospel that will not disturb the well-to-do. I merely report a fact which few would have the courage to deny. Take up the Monday papers, where you will find reports of sermons. Or, if there is any recognition of the laborers wrongs, the blame is laid nowhere that the rich and ruling class is not willing to have it laid.
Or, if a minister does happen to speak the truth upon any of these subjects, it is only a question of time when he has to go, for the church of today has no use for a man who preaches a gospel for the poor and to the poor, because the church is run in the interest of the rich, and not in the interest of the rich and poor alike. There are mission churches, but missions, as I have of ten said before, are simply church poor houses, and are a disgrace to Christianity. No church ought to have a mission annex.
You cannot deceive God by building a mission chapel. He knows that it is simply a salve to the conscience of an institution which does not want the unwashed within its doors. It is a wonder that He has born with such loathsome hypocrisy so long. This or the Hon. I speak of this because until lately it was believed, and sometimes flung in the face of Protestants, that the Roman Catholic church was the church of the poor. But recent events have shown that the Roman Catholic church has no more sympathy with poor people than we have.
When the real touchstone was applied she was found wanting. They cannot disprove what I say. But they say it is very bad to admit such things and call attention to them even if true, but it seems to me eminently important that we should look the fact and its consequences in the face. The fact is undeniable. The consequence is that multitudes have given up the church, and because they identify Christianity and the church, they have given up Christianity too. And most of the ministers and churches justify these wicked people in their wickedness.
Is it any wonder that there are a few socialists and anarchists abroad who are also atheists? It; is a wonder that there are no more. I foresee that unless the church of Christ becomes converted to the religion of Christ, the day is not far distant when some different form of Christianity will take the place of the present church—a form more nearly in accord with the truth as it came from the lips of Christ, and less given over to the world, the flesh and the devil. For I do offer something in i ts place—I offer the religion of Jesus Christ.
My brethren, I do not wish to offend you, although I know I sometimes do. It enables you to teach more effectively, understand student misconceptions, structure class discussion, and save time. It is based on extensive patent-pending behavioral research at Harvard University and is used by a growing number of faculty and students at different universities. To get started, register as an instructor to set up your course and adopt this or another title, try out a live demo , or contact us for more information about adopting Perusall in your course.
Skip to content. Volume 2. Perusall turns often-skipped solitary reading assignments into engaging collective activities students don't want to miss. Students collectively annotate each reading — asking questions, responding to each other's questions, or sharing other perspectives or knowledge.